Search results

Meg Holden

. Post- humanism paints our over-reliance on anthropocentric justifications and on human social, political and economic institutions as primarily responsible for environmental losses. That is, we are in crisis because our dreams are ignorant of humanity’s dependence on non-human nature. To make a difference, we need to displace these dreams with alternative holistic ecosystems-based thinking. In opposition to this stance is the stance, predominant in political ecology, that the most effective way to engage environmental politics is to make environmental concerns fit

in The power of pragmatism
Alex Schafran, Matthew Noah Smith, and Stephen Hall

any number of other reliance systems, and vice versa. Reliance systems also always exist somewhere, even if that place is virtual. An effective analytical framework for reliance systems must be able to understand how, in the words of the late geographer Edward Soja, ‘it all comes together’ in space and place, or more precisely, in human settlements. 1 In virtually every society on earth, there are ideologies that primarily adhere to reliance systems when they come together in space and place. These ideologies can be as deeply ingrained in political

in The spatial contract
Open Access (free)
Louise Amoore

the globalisation process, removing the messiness of politics and leaving only the ‘right and necessary’ policy measures. As the millennium turned, the picture began to change so that we now begin to see partial glimpses of the push and shove of a social and political contestation that was, in truth, always present. Now we see the news media popularising debates about the power of multinational corporations (MNCs), the plight of the global economy’s ‘new slaves’ and the ‘anti-globalisation’ protests (Klein, 2000; Bales, 1999; British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC

in Globalisation contested
Abstract only
Citizenship challenge, social inequality and the insecure state
Małgorzata Jakimów

The Chinese state has long insisted that the ‘Chinese human rights’ ethos prioritises social rights above political and civil rights. Yet, the modernisation project in China has been geared towards high economic growth to ensure the regime's survival, rather than protection of any rights, social or otherwise. Indeed, the economic growth was achieved precisely at the cost of limited citizenship rights, which created unprecedented levels of social inequality. The population that emerged on the losing side of this social divide, the rural

in China’s citizenship challenge
Louise Amoore

amorphous, ‘vague in referent’ and ‘ambiguous in usage’ (Jones, Amoore_Global_02_Ch1 14 6/19/02, 12:06 PM Globalisation, restructuring and flexibility 15 1995: 1). Indeed, some have concluded that the term should be abandoned to prevent its reification in political, academic and corporate debates. However, it is precisely the amorphous and empty nature of the concept that gives it the capacity to exercise power. It can be filled with multiple meanings and used to legitimate a range of restructuring programmes, from labour market flexibility and mobility, to

in Globalisation contested
Abstract only
Clare Archibald

Cloister is a personal meditation on a building that houses a community within a community. Taking a family connection to a convent as a starting point, it looks at the history behind the red brick. In thinking about the real and imagined lives of the order it explores the impact of the nuns on their local community, and the social and political changes affecting the nuns themselves. It wonders about the future of both the order and the building in a changing world. Primarily, it is a rumination on the different ways women move through the world, hidden and otherwise.

in Manchester
Stavros Stavrides

understand what role space played in shaping alternative experiences of democracy and autonomy in the occupied squares of our cities (especially during the Occupy movement period), we focus on the experience and practices of Zapatista politics in faraway Mexican Chiapas? What if, through studying the building of autonomy in Chiapas, we can better understand insurgent assemblies in Athens, London, New York, Hong Kong, Istanbul, Paris, Tunis, Cairo, Rio …? Space matters: space does not simply reflect or sustain existing relations between people. Space gives form to these

in Common spaces of urban emancipation
Alex Schafran, Matthew Noah Smith, and Stephen Hall

Over the past two chapters we have worked to develop an analytical framework for analysing reliance systems and spatial contracts. Certain assumptions and ideologies about systems can get in the way of developing healthy agreements, which is why we call for a system-centred politics, as opposed to a politics-centred system. When we start to see systems through settlements and vice versa, we also see more clearly other barriers, divides between space and place, and those between the formal and the informal. This much, at least, is required to realize

in The spatial contract
Inclusive urban energy transformations in spaces of urban inequality
Federico Caprotti, Jon Phillips, Saska Petrova, Stefan Bouzarovski, Stephen Essex, Jiska de Groot, Lucy Baker, Yachika Reddy, and Peta Wolpe

generation and supply of energy is essential to continued economic growth, while the associated emissions lie at the core of debates about climate change. The associated aspiration for the transformation to be inclusive and ‘just’ within society adds another layer of complexity and tension to the process. In South Africa, the historical legacy of apartheid, political governance structures and capacity, the form and structure of urban areas, rural-to-urban in-migration and societal attitudes have a fundamental influence on the path that a low-carbon energy transformation

in African cities and collaborative futures
The restructuring of work in Britain
Louise Amoore

Politics is going global. All of us are seeking to make sense of, and manage, change. The key to the management of change is reform. The pace of reform has to match the pace of change. Societies that are open, flexible, able easily to distinguish between fundamental values, which they must keep and policies, which they must adapt, will prosper. Those that move too slowly or are in hock to vested interests or what I have elsewhere called forces of conservatism, reacting negatively to change, will fall behind. (Tony Blair, 2000a: 1, Speech at the World Economic Forum

in Globalisation contested