Peter Carey's fictions explore the experiences lurking in the cracks of normality, and are inhabited by hybrid characters living in between spaces or on the margins. Carey took a circuitous route into literature and writing. Characterising Carey's stories takes us to the heart of his fictional practice. Most adopt a mixture of narrative modes, a central feature of his writing. In Carey stories, terminal societies trap characters in drive-in movie car parks, or offer the bizarre possibility of exchanging bodies, or generate a counter-revolutionary resistance movement led by fat men. Grouping the stories around themes and issues allows for a fairly comprehensive insight into Carey's shorter works, and provides some key threads for later discussions of the longer fiction. Four of the most significant areas are: American imperialism and culture; capitalism; power and authority; and gender. In Bliss, the hippy capitalists of 'War Crimes' are replaced by the more conventional scenario of hippies versus capitalists. Illywhacker examines twentieth-century Australian history with the savage humour and fantasy of the earlier fiction now placed within an epic framework. Oscar and Lucinda might be termed 'retro-speculative' fiction. The Tax Inspector is Carey's most savage novel to date, and it captures Marx's vision of the ravening effects of capital. The Unusual Life of Tristan Smith marks a return to the overt alternative world-building found in the early stories with their fantastic and fable-like scenarios. The overlap between post-modernism and post-colonialism in Carey has been investigated by a number of critics.
Since the early 2000s, global, underground networks of insurrectionary anarchists have carried out thousands of acts of political violence. This book is an exploration of the ideas, strategies, and history of these political actors that engage in a confrontation with the oppressive powers of the state and capital. The vast majority of these attacks have been claimed via online communiqués through anonymous monikers such as the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI). The emphasis of the insurrectionary, nihilist-infused anarchism is on creating war-like conditions for opposing capitalism, the state, and that which perpetuates structural violence (e.g. racism, poverty, speciesism, gender roles). To connect the various configurations of post-millennial, insurrectionary resistance, the book explores explore three of its most identifiable components, the FAI, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), and emergent networks in Mexico. In his discussion of guerrilla warfare and terrorism, conflict theorist Richard Rubenstein points to a two-stage understanding advocated by Vietnamese leader and military strategist General Vo Nguyen Giap. The book also examines the strategy of Blanquism, the contribution of "classical anarchists," the influence of theorists such as Tiqqun and The Invisible Committee. It seeks to construct the basis for an insurrectionary framework based around a shared politic. The feminist methodology and ethic of research adds a great deal, including a reading of identity politics, standpoint theory, action-orientated research, and embedded, emotive and sincere participatory involvement. The design and methodological intent of the book is to embrace a "militant" form of inquiry which is counter to the project of securitization.
Looking at the world today, it is hard to believe that not long ago pro-capitalist ideologues were announcing “the triumph of … free-market capitalism as the most effective way to organize a society” (Friedman 2000 : xxi). To be sure, the first twenty years of the last century, featuring World War I and the Russian Revolution, may have arguably represented even greater setbacks for capitalism than the beginning of our century. Nonetheless, even we have experienced a series of developments that make capitalist triumphalism seem a quaint relic of the past: the
The radical who is transformed into a conservative is a common theme in political history. Benito Mussolini, the Italian socialist who became a fascist, is the best-known example, but there have been many others, including the numerous American Trotskyists and Marxists who later emerged as neo-conservatives, anti-communists or, in some instances, McCarthyists. The politics of betrayal examines why several one-time radicals subsequently became parts of the establishment in various countries, including the former Black Panther Party leader turned Republican Eldridge Cleaver, the Australian communist Adela Pankhurst who became an admirer of the Nazis, and the ex-radical journalist Christopher Hitchens, whose defection to the camp of George W. Bush’s neo-conservatives following 11 September 2001 offers one of the most startling examples of the phenomenon in recent times. How and why do so many radicals betray the cause? Is it simply a reaction to political defeat? Were their politics always problematic, even as radicals? Were the ex-radicals psychologically flawed to begin with? What implications does it have for left politics? This book, the first of its kind, answers these and more questions.
speech goes on to state that Britain has made the ‘right’ and
‘flexible’ policy response at a pace that matches the speed of social change.
What we can see here is one face of the making of a particular kind of
global restructuring, one that for many commentators is captured by a ‘British
model’ of neo-liberal or hyperliberal capitalism. Yet, how can we make sense
of a ‘national capitalism’ given, for example, the prevalence of German banks
in the City of London, the Japanese multinationals on northern business parks
and the migrant workers providing much of the
This book makes the case for an inclusive form of socialist feminism that will
benefit both individuals and societies, and that puts multiply disadvantaged
women at its heart. It argues that developing a feminist vocabulary is a key
part of feminist politics, and it demystifies some key terms, including
patriarchy and intersectionality. The book’s longest chapter engages with fierce
disputes between some feminists and some trans women, and suggests possible
compromises and ways forward. It argues throughout that the analysis of gender
cannot be isolated from that of class or race, that patriarchy is inexorably
entangled with capitalism, and that the needs of most women will not be met in
an economy based on the pursuit of profit. In making these arguments, it
explains why capitalism is not meeting human needs and it highlights the flaws
in the ideologies that sustain it; it also shows how the assumptions of
neoliberalism are incompatible with anything other than a narrow, elitist form
of feminism that has little relevance for most women. Throughout, the book
asserts the social, economic and human importance of the unpaid caring and
domestic work that has been traditionally done by women, and the need to
redistribute this and value it properly. It concludes that the combination of
some policy trends, the increased presence of feminists in positions of
influence and a rise in all kinds of grassroots activism give grounds for
optimism about a future that could be both more feminist and more socialist.
Towards a theory of thrift
Capitalism as the parasite of thrift
Mention thrift to most current-day academics in marketing, cultural studies or
even cultural geography circles and one of the first theories they mention will be
that of Daniel Miller in his A Theory of Shopping (2013). Using evidence from
ethnographic research in north London, Miller argues that whilst shopping trips
often begin by being about the pleasure of spending money, they frequently
shift to focusing on saving money, and play upon traditional notions of restraint
and sobriety being
Having examined the relationship between surplus and freedom, I now turn to capitalism’s use of the surplus it extracts from producers. All class societies use the surplus to reproduce their conditions of existence (as would a democratic classless society). The specific use of the surplus varies with the specific characteristics of different societies, however. In the case of capitalism, both the way of extracting the surplus and the use of this surplus to reproduce that class order leads to a number of serious problems for humanity and the planet that add to
The United States appears to be in living contradiction to Marxism. American capitalism represents the world’s most developed and unfettered version of capitalism. It displays all the features of the system described and analyzed by Marx, with its outrageous inequality, its mass of unemployed and underemployed workers (Marx’s “reserve army of labor”), its repeated and often deep crises, and its drive overseas leading to one war after another. But the United States has a political culture overwhelmingly dedicated to capitalism’s survival and expansion. And its
Conclusion: Alternative Ulster?
This book has examined key moments of capitalism within Northern Ireland’s
cultural history. In chapters on bourgeois apathy and geographical inertia,
on state surveillance and sectarian psychogeography, I have highlighted how
a fraught interface exists between sites of conflict and ideologies of capital.
Conceptions of place and individuality are radically reconfigured at this intersection, giving way to experiences of exhaustion, depletion and ennui. The
condition of boredom congeals the diversity of these moments, foregrounding