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Pan-African Philosopher of Democracy and Development
L. Adele Jinadu

relationship between democracy and development as seamless, combining democratic political processes – governance or “soft infrastructures” – with socio-economic arrangements, including “social and physical infrastructures”. These processes and arrangements are designed to protect and promote the freedoms and rights of citizens, as well as advance human development and security through broad-based, state-led allocation and distribution of social surpluses.While the thematic focus on economic governance and management, corporate governance, and socio-economic development

in The Pan-African Pantheon
Abstract only
Tom Gallagher

of pan-European solutions, was dragging its feet because it wished to exempt many of its own banks from such a regime. 11 EU anti-crisis measures have lacked substance. Often their purpose appears to be to provide sound-bites for the crisis summits held at regular intervals since the spring of 2010, or else position beleaguered leaders to overcome electoral challenges (such as the contest Angela Merkel faced in September 2013). Plans for economic governance of the EU contain bold intentions but they are invariably vague on detail. There is no architecture in place

in Europe’s path to crisis
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

recipes for ‘governability’. On one side, ‘liberal’ recipes for political governance – whether through bilateral arrangements or through such organisations as the EU and the CSCE (now OSCE) 114 – were offered to, often imposed on, the South. 115 On the other side, ‘capitalist’ recipes for economic governance were exported – whether through bilateral programmes or through such organisations as

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The economic dynamics
Mary C. Murphy

best judge the nature, extent and reasons for economic change in Northern Ireland since UK accession, it is necessary to appre- 38 Northern Ireland and the European Union ciate the specific dynamics of the regional economy. This chapter identifies and discusses the peculiarities and the broad challenges facing the Northern Ireland economy. The chapter also acknowledges that the introduction of devolution in 1999 occasioned some change in the manner of economic governance in Northern Ireland. This has altered Northern Ireland’s engagement with the UK, and also the

in Northern Ireland and the European Union
Ireland in the 1980s
Gary Murphy

engaged in a closed and secretive policy process, where the groups exerted influence through negotiation, and a deal that was not subject to any public scrutiny. But of course that is exactly what happened in the social partnership process between 1987 and 2009 under mainly Fianna Fáil-led governments. One critical result of this was that the public was effectively excluded from the main nature of economic governance within the state. While trade unionists got to vote on whether their unions should participate in these agreements, and while one could perhaps plausibly

in Electoral competition in Ireland since 1987
Uwe Puetter

provisions on EMU they constitute the formal institutional framework for economic governance. Accordingly, the ECOFIN Council is the central decision-making body as regards the operation of the SGP. Despite this formal assignment of competences the Eurogroup de facto intervenes at all stages of the decision-making process and has developed into the virtual political centre of the operation of the SGP. As regards SGP related issues, the activities of the Eurogroup have effectively emptied out the discussions within the ECOFIN Council. The previous chapter has demonstrated

in The Eurogroup
Andreas Antoniades

NESC’s Strategy for Development agreed in 1986 formed the basis upon which the new Programme for National Recovery was negotiated by the social partners in 1987 (1999: 274–277). From this point onwards an impressively successful model of consociational socio-economic governance has been functioning in Ireland.53 In Greece on the other hand, protectionism with irresponsibly expansionist fiscal policies, was followed up to the end of 1980s, with a small stabilisation parenthesis in 1985–87 (see Katseli, 1990; Kazakos, 1992; Alogoskoufis, 1995). The last years of the

in Producing globalisation
Introduction and overview
Damian Grimshaw, Colette Fagan, Gail Hebson, and Isabel Tavora

collective bargaining, such as in Greece during the post-2008 recession, protective labour market institutions can be easily dismantled. For this reason, Bosch and Lehndorff argue that a more inclusive regulatory framework needs to be anchored not only to statutory protections and minimum standards but also to strong participatory rights and discuss the scope for national actors to move towards these goals under the new European economic governance framework. Marchington and Dundon discuss the societal forces for ‘fair voice’ and the challenges workers face in liberal

in Making work more equal
Daniel Finn

comes into MUP_CoulterNagle_Printer3.indd 254 24/04/2015 16:36 Ireland, the left and the European Union 255 effect. The expedients of crisis management are being transformed into a lasting mode of economic governance. As Michel Aglietta has observed, the new regime is based on an illusory formula for European prosperity: The Berlin leadership has developed a moralistic interpretation of the crisis. They concede that the Eurozone is important, but insist that it cannot be maintained at any price. The countries whose ‘irresponsibility’ has led the Eurozone to its

in Ireland under austerity
Matthew S. Weinert

, democracy, economic governance, the rule of law and the like which, fourth, through greater cohesion among members, may likely fuel more extensive forms of integration and collaboration. This, fifth, acts to reconstitute actors’ identities and interests by further embedding them in social networks, and hence linking them to collective expectations and commitments. From international to

in Recognition and Global Politics