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Hanna Pfeifer

Lebanese Hezbollah is arguably the most powerful armed non-state actor currently active. Founded as an Islamic resistance movement against Israeli occupation in the 1970s and 1980s, Hezbollah is considered a terrorist organisation by several Western states and, since 2016, by the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council. Since 2015, it is known to have been involved in several armed conflicts in the Middle East, most importantly as a supporter of the Assad regime in the Syrian civil war, but also as a provider of military training for resistance groups in Iraq and Yemen.

At the same time, however, Hezbollah representatives have been part of all Lebanese governments since 2011 and they occupy a number of seats in Parliament. Finally, Hezbollah is also a very active provider of social and welfare services in the Lebanese South and the Beqaa.

For all of the roles it takes, Hezbollah has often been described as a hybrid organisation, which escapes established typologies of both Islamism and terrorism. The chapter, based on the author’s field research in Lebanon, seeks to explore and map the variety of recognition practices that revolve around Hezbollah. It analyses what kind of recognition Hezbollah seeks from different audiences, among them the Lebanese and transnational Shiite community, the Lebanese people, competing political parties in Lebanon, and Western and Middle Eastern states, as well as international organisations. It traces how recognition-granters react to Hezbollah’s claims and what consequences these parallel processes of recognition, non-recognition and mis-recognition have on inner-Lebanese and regional conflict dynamics.

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Jarle Trondal, Martin Marcussen, Torbjörn Larsson, and Frode Veggeland

3436 Unpacking international organisations:2833Prelims 22/3/10 14:56 Page 111 6 Departmental dynamics in international bureaucracies This chapter demonstrates the existence of a foundational departmental dynamic within all the international bureaucracies studied – both with respect to contact, co-ordination and conflict patterns and to the identity and role perceptions among the personnel. International bureaucracies seem to have enduring impacts on the officials embedded within them. This strongly signifies that the organisational structures of

in Unpacking international organisations
Iris Müller

[-]‌ended intergovernmental group of experts to study practical means of promoting full respect for and compliance with that law’. 11 The Intergovernmental Group of Experts for the Protection of War Victims, thus convened in Geneva in January 1995, adopted a number of recommendations, among them that: the International Committee of the Red Cross be invited to prepare, with the assistance of experts on international humanitarian law representing various geographical regions and different legal systems, and in consultation with experts from governments and international organisations

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
Evidence from Tumaco, Colombia
Jan Boesten and Annette Idler

(2018). It consists of an extensive database of 606 interviews for context and a focus on data from an overall number of around twenty semi-structured interviews carried out in Tumaco. 9 To ensure triangulation of data sources, interviewees included community leaders, clerics, civil society representatives, staff members of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international organisations, ex-combatants, indigenous leaders, members of state forces and government officials (see Idler 2019 : 347). This data

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Yf Reykers

it lowers the costs compared with acting unilaterally (Williamson 1978, 1985 ). Three assumptions form the backbone of the rational choice institutionalist approach (see e.g. Hall and Taylor 1996 ; Pollack 1997 ). First, states are treated as the primary political actors. Although this does not imply that international organisations, such as the UN, and their bureaucracies are seen as ‘passive mechanisms with no independent agendas of their own’ (Barnett and Finnemore 1999 : 705), they have traditionally not been

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
Open Access (free)
Reflecting on citizenship from the fringe

Canada and to Roma in Europe. The procedures behind such occurrences were strikingly similar despite their happening across different geographical and historical contexts. Moreover, for both Roma and Indigenous people, different international organisations have applied developmental and project-based logic (such as designated decades) to improve their position. Such logic had two adverse effects. First, it portrayed marginalised minorities as backward, frozen in time and having incompatible cultural traits with liberal democracies, leading to an assumption that they

in The Fringes of Citizenship
Edwin Borchard between New Haven and Berlin
Jens Steffek and Tobias Heinze

place in the European concert of powers, seemed to prove that theoretical point. Borchard conjoined his realist critique of international law with an argument for American isolationism. American involvement with international organisations and treaty regimes was hazardous, he argued, because it would drag the US into international conflicts in which it had no stake. The alternative that he promoted was a return to the balance of power politics of the pre-1914 era, with the US intervening abroad only when its vital interests were threatened. Unlike other classical

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
Costas Simitis

‘there was money’ meant that no preparation or planning was made with regard to Greece’s principal problem, the need both to fund and to reverse the exponential growth in the deficit. This problem was no secret: it had been noted in the reports of a range of international organisations, in the commentary of the foreign media and by certain sections within PASOK.3 Prime Minister G. Papandreou’s programme statement in Parliament on 16 October 2009 was a repetition of his pre-election promises. There was no indication of substantive developments in terms of policy, nor of

in The European debt crisis
Kseniya Oksamytna and John Karlsrud

found new applications in the peacekeeping scholarship, while peacekeeping has become a source of conceptual development and empirical innovation in the IR literature. This is an overdue development, considering the political and material resources that member states, international organisations, and civil society actors have invested in peacekeeping. This volume analyses UN peacekeeping as an international institution in the broad meaning of the term. International institutions have been defined as ‘persistent and connected sets of rules

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
What we have learned and what lies ahead
Harold Trinkunas

support from the European Union at a time when the PKK's main adversary, the Turkish state, was engaged in accession talks and had to accommodate EU interests. Recognition is an action performed for others to witness. Recognition does not just affect the actor and the target of action, but a range of external audiences, as each case studied in the volume demonstrates. The audiences for recognition include not only international organisations and states, but also governments, civil society and other armed non-state actors. Armed non-state actors

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition