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Understanding violence and the state
Matthew Sussex and Matt Killingsworth

the sole actors with international legal personality. As a result, while non-state actors may – for various reasons – claim the ‘right’ to use force, states are the only agents for whom such behaviour is codified in international law. Moreover, non-state actors, whether ethnic groups, religious minority populations or socio-economically disadvantaged people, tend to seek protection from harm in material

in Violence and the state
Stephan Hensell and Klaus Schlichte

recognition game, however, is always interactive and involves a host of other actors. First of all, the media play a crucial role. Reporting about armed non-state actors is in many cases the first step in acknowledging the very existence of an armed group as a party to the conflict. Secondly, there are the transnational supporting milieus such as diaspora networks, activist groups or advocacy networks which provide resources and act as political mobilisers. Finally, there are major actors of international politics: states and international or regional organisations which

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Lessons from the Asia-Pacific
Evangelos Fanoulis

Human resource development (education, vocational training), initiative of non-state actors, good governance, trade-related growth Water, sanitation, public health, initiatives of non-state actors Sustainable rural development (capacity building), good governance Renewable energy, energy efficiency, initiatives of non-state actors, strengthening institutions Water, waste management, renewable energy, initiatives of non-state actors, trade-related issues Education, job growth and human resources development (vocational training), initiatives of non-state actors

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
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Jeremy Pressman

self-fulfilling prophecy. I recognize that while much of this book has been about relations between states, including Egypt, Israel, and Syria, this chapter is focused more upon the conflict between a state, Israel, and a non-state actor, the Palestinian national movement (or really the two parts of that movement, Hamas and Fatah). The Palestinian dimension, and that of all organizations or non-state actors, is different from relations between states like Egypt, Israel, and Syria, at least in terms of how we think about what economic and especially military

in The sword is not enough
Maurizio Carbone

divided into three sections. Firstly, it provides a concise discussion of the global agenda on aid effectiveness, focusing on the tensions between coordination and ownership. Secondly, it analyses the supranational programme managed by the European Commission within the context of the Cotonou Agreement, paying attention to the degree of involvement of African (both state and non-­state) actors in the negotiations of two series of multi-­annual development strategies (for 2002–07 and for 2008–13). Thirdly, it explores the EU as a collective donor, focusing on the efforts

in The European Union in Africa
Normative power or realist interests?
Gordon Crawford

’ sector as a percentage of total EDF. Here, human rights and democracy support is concealed within the wider ‘governance’ category, which includes substantial expenditure on public sector management and anti-­corruption activities. Additionally, support to non-­state actors (NSA) has been included to ensure that no financial allocations in the human rights and democracy area are omitted, although NSA is also a wider category that encompasses support to all civil society organisations, not solely human rights and democracy NGOs. Therefore, while the figures in Table 8

in The European Union in Africa
Open Access (free)
Violence and the early modern world
Erica Charters, Marie Houllemare, and Peter H. Wilson

state, as Thomas Hobbes claimed in Leviathan, was ‘war of all against all’. Europe was ravaged by the extreme violence of an age of allegedly ‘religious wars’, from the Reformation until the Peace of Westphalia (1648), before bellona could finally be tamed by the rise of centralized, ‘absolutist’ states, epitomized in the ideology and representations of Louis XIV.14 The processes of eradicating armed non-state actors, disarming large sections of the population, and imposing discipline on the state’s own forces was directly connected to other social disciplinary

in A global history of early modern violence
Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force
Author: Jeremy Pressman

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

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Heike Wieters

system” of humanitarian affairs. 6 In recent years, many scholars have suggested that we are witnessing a gradual “retreat of the state,” 7 or the evolution of new global modes of “governance without government” 8 in many sectors of society. The apparent evolution in the role of the state is often linked to the absolute increase in the number, size, and social impact of non-state actors since the 1920s on both national and

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80
Theorizing the fluid national and urban regimes of forced migration in Southeast Asia
Pei Palmgren

illegal, collaborations between state and non-state actors to facilitate movement of forced migrants out of the national territory. The section identifies two ways state authorities have accomplished these pushes: collusion with human smugglers to deflect boats or funnel passengers through shadow migration routes, and devolution of management to humanitarian actors working to resettle refugees to other countries. In 2009, news stories exposed the Thai Navy's “push back” policy of towing intercepted boats of smuggled Rohingya migrants back out to sea

in Displacement