Matthew Buck on the treatment of
Belgian refugees in 1939–40 confirms these findings,13 as does an
examination of the reception of the French. At best, British plans for
the welcoming of refugees of all nationalities in 1940 were tardy, illconceived, lacking in goodwill and badly implemented.
These preparations had begun reluctantly in 1936 when mounting
international tension concentrated government minds on the possibility of a general European war. Given the experiences of the First World
War, it was widely appreciated that any handling of refugees could not
still in the town of Vrinjatcha Bania when it fell
to the Austrians on 10th November 1915. They were only 50 miles
away from their colleagues, Inglis’ unit, in Krushevatz, but all lines of
communication had been severed. Making use of both her nationality
and her civilian status, Hutchison was quite determined to stand up
to her captors. When the Austrian army commandeered all her hospital equipment before sending her on to Krushevatz, she refused to
give it up without a receipt, insisting that after the war the Austrian
government would be required to pay for it all
nationality laws or as a result of less explicit but
equally obstructive barriers such as exclusion from the types of profession
which constitute the pool of political office holders, or discrimination on the
part of party selectors.We can therefore expect to find them excluded from
mainstream politics for the same reasons as other non-nationals and/or for
the same reasons as other women. However, this does not mean that refugee
women in Britain and France are politically inactive, as this chapter shows,
by taking as an example their participation in NGOs.
mythologies that govern our ideas of selfhood
and that strengthen or resist norms of gender, race, class, nationality
Each of the chapters in this volume features one woman writer
whose published life narrative(s) challenged standards of morality,
likability and/or literary convention, with irrevocable effects for
her reputation either in her life or ‘afterlife’. These texts offered
unprecedented access to the personal lives of their subjects,
inviting readers to learn intimate details about these women and
to identify with them in new ways. In doing so, they
[Almodóvar’s] career’ (2007: 10). Most of the traumatic sexual encounters in Almodóvar’s films happen during either the Transition or the contemporary period. For this reason, they may not just comment on Spain’s recent past but also its present and the continuation of circumstances that allow gender and social violence to continue into the democratic period. In Los abrazos , Martel is not even Spanish but Chilean. His nationality seems irrelevant in the transnational period but, nevertheless, Chile’s transition to democracy after a similar military dictatorship to Spain
analysing Lessing’s late-twentieth-century ‘fabular’ fictions in relation to ideas about genre and ‘race’, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari’s discussion of ‘minor’ literature proves instructive. Deleuze and Guattari define minor literature as exhibiting three main characteristics: ‘the deterritorialization of language, the connection of the individual to a political immediacy, and the collective assemblage of enunciation’. 2 Thus, minor literature has a partial relation to nationality both linguistically and, I will argue, generically. The ‘social milieu’ 3 is not
This book studies the persistence of imperial memory, nostalgia and culture in contemporary Britain. Focusing on imperial nostalgia as a structure of feeling, it attempts to understand the role it plays in forming and articulating a politics of nationalist reaction, and how it has been mobilised by political actors in promoting emergent right-wing movements. Historicising nostalgia as an inherent part of imperial culture, it argues that the fantasies developed in late Victorian Britain in order to give ideological coherence to the imperial project are to a large extent the same fantasies at play in the current sovereigntist turn. Focusing on the events following the Black Lives Matter protests of 2020 and controversies over freedom of speech and education, it traces how ongoing public debates over histories of slavery and colonialism are put to work within the ‘culture wars’; more broadly, it interrogates the imperial genealogies of contemporary approaches to class, gender, race, nationality and sovereignty.
Edward Shils was an important figure in twentieth century social theory, and a true transatlantic thinker who divided his time between the University of Chicago and the U.K. He was friends with many important thinkers in other fields, such as Michael Polanyi and Saul Bellow. He became known to sociologists through his brief collaboration with Talcott Parsons, but his own thinking diverged both from Parsons and conventional sociology. He developed but never finalized a comprehensive image of human society made up of personal, civic, and sacred bonds. But much of his thought was focused on conflicts: between intellectuals and their societies, between tradition and modernity, ideological conflict, and conflicts within the traditions of the modern liberal democratic state. This book explores the thought of Shils, his relations to key figures, his key themes and ideas, and his abiding interests in such topics as the academic tradition and universities. Together, the chapters provide the most comprehensive picture of Shils as a thinker, and explain his continuing relevance.
Simon Walker studied modern history at Magdelen College, Oxford, graduating with first-class honours in 1979. When Walker began researching the retinue of John of Gaunt in 1980, 'bastard feudalism' had been the subject of debate for thirty-five years. A study of John of Gaunt's retinue could be expected to throw important, if not decisive, light on these problems. For not only was his the largest retinue in late medieval England, but for thirty years the duke himself had a dominant role in the domestic, military and diplomatic policy of England. In 1994, Michael Jones and Walker published for the Camden Society an edition of all the surviving private life indentures for peace and war apart from those of John of Gaunt and William, Lord Hastings. Walker's introduction to the volume reviewed the evolution of life indentures, the range of services they embraced, the regulation of obligations for service and reward, and the changing role of such indentures over the period 1278-1476. From these broad investigations into the balance of power between magnates and gentry, Walker returned to examine how, in individual cases, two men from different backgrounds built their careers on noble and royal patronage. Walker then turned to examine the retrospective view of the 1399 revolution in literate culture. He used case studies to build up a picture of collective mentalities among different social grades and vocational worlds, hoping ultimately to construct a new approach to the tensions and strength of the late medieval polity.
In this book scholars from across the globe investigate changes in ‘society’ and ‘nation’ over time through the lens of immunisation. Such an analysis unmasks the idea of vaccination as a simple health technology and makes visible the social and political complexities in which vaccination programmes are embedded. The collection of essays gives a comparative overview of immunisation at different times in widely different parts of the world and under different types of political regime. Core themes in the chapters include immunisation as an element of state formation; citizens’ articulation of seeing (or not seeing) their needs incorporated into public health practice; allegations that development aid is inappropriately steering third-world health policies; and an ideological shift that treats vaccines as marketable and profitable commodities rather than as essential tools of public health. Throughout, the authors explore relationships among vaccination, vaccine-making, and the discourses and debates on citizenship and nationhood that have accompanied mass vaccination campaigns. The thoughtful investigations of vaccination in relation to state power, concepts of national identify (and sense of solidarity) and individual citizens’ sense of obligation to self and others are completed by an afterword by eminent historian of vaccination William Muraskin. Reflecting on the well-funded global initiatives which do not correspond to the needs of poor countries, Muraskin asserts that an elite fraternity of self-selected global health leaders has undermined the United Nations system of collective health policy determination by launching global disease eradication and immunisation programmes over the last twenty years.