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Non-elite cosmopolitanism in the Brexit era
Ben Rogaly

1 Introduction: non-elite cosmopolitanism in the Brexit era [My song’s] about the battles that people face in the city and in general really, all over the world. It’s about what I face and other young people as well … The first line is: ‘As I walk on this earth I start to feel the hurt …’ So it’s like as soon as you get here you sort of feel the pain and the hurt that people around you face as well as yourself. So that’s mainly what it’s based on, myself … I don’t actually think I mention anything specific in the track about me. I try and generalise it so that

in Stories from a migrant city
Thomas Prosser

, the EU and Roma. British national populists such as UKIP and the Brexit Party have experienced uneven support, yet the Brexit vote means that national populism is increasingly espoused by the Conservative Party. Britain is far from alone. On the continent, various movements threaten the stability of the EU, among them the German Alternative for Germany and French Rassemblement National, 4 while the election of Donald Trump represented a political earthquake. The case of national populism offers a fascinating insight into the relationship between self-interest and

in What’s in it for me?
Between ambition and pragmatism

Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century provides the first analysis of the state of UK Africa policy in the era of austerity, Conservative government and Brexit. It explores how Britain’s relationship with Africa has evolved since the days of Blair, Brown and Make Poverty History and examines how a changing UK political environment, and international context, has impacted upon this long-standing – and deeply complex – relationship. This edited collection provides an indispensable reference point for researchers and practitioners interested in contemporary UK–Africa relations and the broader place of Africa in British politics and foreign policy. Across twelve chapters, the book’s contributors examine how far UK Africa policy has been transformed since the fall of the 1997–2010 Labour Government and how far Conservative, or Conservative-led, Governments have reshaped and re-cast links with the continent. The book includes analyses of UK approaches to diplomacy, security, peacekeeping, trade and international development in, or with, Africa. The contributions, offered by UK- and Africa-based scholars and practitioners, nonetheless take a broader perspective on UK–Africa relations, examining the changing perspectives, policies and actions of political parties, advocacy groups and the UK population itself. The authors argue that the Afro-optimism of the Blair years no longer provides the guiding framework for UK engagement with Africa. It has not, however, been replaced by an alternative paradigm, leaving significant space for different forms of relationship to be built, or reconstructed. The book includes a foreword by Chi Onwurah MP, Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Africa.

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Aspects of continuity and change after New Labour
Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher, and Stephen R. Hurt

its predecessors. As a result, troops were sent to both Somalia and South Sudan with the justification being couched very clearly in terms of the UK’s national security. Trade and investment links have also become an increasingly important driver of UK–Africa relations. Since the Brexit vote in 2016 and the ensuing debate on a future independent UK trade policy, this aspect of the relationship has only become more significant. Conversely, Brexit has also complicated the EU’s existing trade relations with Africa. For example, Tanzania has

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Louise Thompson

-and-supply agreement – and then refusing to cast their votes for a Brexit deal on any occasion throughout 2019, demonstrates the power which small parties can wield in British politics today. The creation of The Independent Group/Change UK in early 2019 was in many respects a natural progression of these longer-term trends in British politics; a sign that the two main political parties could not continue to monopolise the parliamentary and political system for much longer. This was reinforced by the formation of the Brexit Party and its first parliamentary group

in The end of the small party?
An interview with David Byrne
Graham Spencer

achieve political objectives without being constrained by the legal opinion of judges interpreting a legal text. This appears to be the case whether it’s a written constitution, the Treaty of Rome or the European Convention on Human Rights. For instance, there was a strong reaction in Britain to the judgment of the UK Supreme Court last year [in 2017] on the role of Parliament on the Brexit case when the Court

in Inside Accounts, Volume II
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Brexit, the border and nationalism’s bounceback
Paddy Hoey

7 Epilogue: Brexit, the border and nationalism’s bounceback We are in a new era, in this election we have seen a seismic change and realignment of politics here.1 The countercultural alternative When Gerry Adams told supporters at the Louth count centre in the hours after the 2016 Irish general election that a tremor had gone through Irish politics, he had no idea how tumultuous the rest of 2016 and early 2017 were going to be for the party and, ultimately, for Northern Ireland in particular. Sinn Féin’s stellar performance in the Dáil elections had been

in Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters
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Not what they were
Michael Clarke

physical barriers across its internal borders as it had during the Cold War, though now in different places (Marshall 2018 : 198). All this left the EU with a stark long-term geopolitical choice: reconsolidate and further integrate around a new Franco-German axis, or else accept that the EU would dilute itself across twenty-eight economies that were no longer naturally converging (Webber 2017 ). Britain’s 2016 ‘Brexit’ referendum vote to leave the organisation occurred in the middle of this EU hiatus, and partly

in The challenge of defending Britain
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Conservatism confounded
Arthur Aughey

middle class but also now Leave plus Remain. The Conservative Party, Goodman thought, ‘now contains the nation’s political differences over Brexit within itself, and appears capable of somehow reconciling them’. These were glad tidings indeed. Even the controversial provisions for social care in the party’s manifesto – immediately dubbed a ‘dementia tax’ by Labour – could be defended as Disraelian acknowledgement by the Conservative leadership of the need to reconcile yet another ‘two nations’: the young and the old. Again according to Goodman (2017b), ‘Team May

in The Conservative Party and the nation
Alex Vines

This chapter examines the key drivers behind the UK Government’s Africa policy from 1997 to 2018 (under Labour from 1997–2010; under the Liberal Democrat Coalition and the majority Conservative Government of 2010–17 and under a minority Conservative Government from 2017). The chapter also assesses developments after the EU referendum (Brexit) and evaluates how the UK’s strategy towards Africa might evolve. 1 Overall, political interest remains firmly based upon humanitarianism but African security and trade have also become secondary

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century