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Philip Cunliffe

balance of power. The most important political actors in this framework are states. By contrast, the study and practice of peacekeeping is vested in solidifying peace through co-operation, which is structured by international organisations and agreements. In its more ambitious incarnations such as conflict transformation and peacebuilding, peacekeepers aim even to transform the context of conflict through crafting peace settlements. They might also engage in extensive social and political reforms that aim to suppress violent conflict through fostering economic growth

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
Taking the role of non-governmental organisations in customary international lawmaking seriously
Valentina Azarova

international law by signing non-State armed groups up to informal international humanitarian law instruments 29 and persuading businesses in the extractive sector to subscribe to anti-corruption standards. 30 The third category of relevant non-governmental organisation activity is lobbying, which includes demarches and interventions intended to raise the awareness of both specific decision-makers and their constituencies traditionally at the State level but also in international organisations. 31 Lobbying is made somewhat easier by the formal incorporation of non

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law
Open Access (free)
Postcolonial governance and the policing of family
Author: Joe Turner

Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.

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Place, identity and peacebuilding
Gëzim Visoka

extensively invoke the notion of ‘internationals’ to refer to outsider agents both as individuals and as collectives (international organisations) either working on the civilian or in military aspects of post-conflict peacebuilding (see Chapter 4). The notion of ‘internationals’ often refers to UN missions, regional organisations, the donor community and bureaucrats and policy makers operating under international organisations and Western influential states. On the other hand, the ‘local’ are ­identified as the entire realm of agents who belong to different identity groups

in The politics of identity
What contribution to regional security?
Panagiota Manoli

third party international organisations and actors. Defining security in a comprehensive way, the BSEC has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy.5 209 2504Chap11 7/4/03 12:41 pm Page 210 Institutions of security governance How has the utility of regional cooperation through the BSEC come about in this new era in terms of security provision? How can we place the BSEC within the broader institutional framework consisting of actors such as the UN, NATO, the OSCE and the EU? What should one reasonably

in Limiting institutions?
Transnational resistance in Europe, 1936–48
Editors: Robert Gildea and Ismee Tames

This work demonstrates that resistance to occupation by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Second World War has to be seen through a transnational, not a national, lens. It explores how people often resisted outside their country of origin because they were migrants, refugees or exiles who were already on the move. It traces their trajectories and encounters with other resisters and explores their experiences, including changes of beliefs, practices and identities. The book is a powerful, subtle and thought-provoking alternative to works on the Second World War that focus on single countries or on grand strategy. It is a ‘bottom up’ story of extraordinary individuals and groups who resisted oppression from Spain to the Soviet Union and the Balkans. It challenges the standard chronology of the war, beginning with the formation of the International Brigades in Spain and following through to the onset of the Cold War and the foundation of the state of Israel. This is a collective project by a team of international historians led by Robert Gildea, author of Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance (Faber & Faber, 2015). These have explored archives across Europe, the USA, Russia and Israel in order to unearth scores of fascinating individual stories which are woven together into themed chapters and a powerful new interpretation. The book is aimed at undergraduates and graduates working on twentieth-century Europe and the Second World War or interested in the possibilities of transnational history.

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Author: David Whyte

This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.

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Mary Venner

’s government must owe something to the efforts of the international community. The purpose of this book is therefore to examine what donors and international organisations did to construct government administrative institutions in Kosovo and how this has contributed to the current performance of Kosovo’s public administration. Most of the international organisations and national

in Donors, technical assistance and public administration in Kosovo
Andrew Williams

it was necessary to control them if possible) and duplicity by foreign powers, it was also necessary to address the economic and political causes of discontent. Hence the most important clauses of the Charter are about the need for freedom of commerce and the need to encourage self-determination and decolonisation. Roosevelt wanted to make sure that the international organisations, or whatever mechanism was needed to implement these aims, had to lock in the democracies for the post-war period. His was, in Reynolds’ words, a ‘realistic Wilsonianism’.15 The Atlantic

in Failed imagination?
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).