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Jeremy Pressman

self-fulfilling prophecy. I recognize that while much of this book has been about relations between states, including Egypt, Israel, and Syria, this chapter is focused more upon the conflict between a state, Israel, and a non-state actor, the Palestinian national movement (or really the two parts of that movement, Hamas and Fatah). The Palestinian dimension, and that of all organizations or non-state actors, is different from relations between states like Egypt, Israel, and Syria, at least in terms of how we think about what economic and especially military

in The sword is not enough
Maurizio Carbone

divided into three sections. Firstly, it provides a concise discussion of the global agenda on aid effectiveness, focusing on the tensions between coordination and ownership. Secondly, it analyses the supranational programme managed by the European Commission within the context of the Cotonou Agreement, paying attention to the degree of involvement of African (both state and non-­state) actors in the negotiations of two series of multi-­annual development strategies (for 2002–07 and for 2008–13). Thirdly, it explores the EU as a collective donor, focusing on the efforts

in The European Union in Africa
Normative power or realist interests?
Gordon Crawford

’ sector as a percentage of total EDF. Here, human rights and democracy support is concealed within the wider ‘governance’ category, which includes substantial expenditure on public sector management and anti-­corruption activities. Additionally, support to non-­state actors (NSA) has been included to ensure that no financial allocations in the human rights and democracy area are omitted, although NSA is also a wider category that encompasses support to all civil society organisations, not solely human rights and democracy NGOs. Therefore, while the figures in Table 8

in The European Union in Africa
Open Access (free)
Violence and the early modern world
Erica Charters, Marie Houllemare, and Peter H. Wilson

state, as Thomas Hobbes claimed in Leviathan, was ‘war of all against all’. Europe was ravaged by the extreme violence of an age of allegedly ‘religious wars’, from the Reformation until the Peace of Westphalia (1648), before bellona could finally be tamed by the rise of centralized, ‘absolutist’ states, epitomized in the ideology and representations of Louis XIV.14 The processes of eradicating armed non-state actors, disarming large sections of the population, and imposing discipline on the state’s own forces was directly connected to other social disciplinary

in A global history of early modern violence
Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force
Author: Jeremy Pressman

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

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Heike Wieters

system” of humanitarian affairs. 6 In recent years, many scholars have suggested that we are witnessing a gradual “retreat of the state,” 7 or the evolution of new global modes of “governance without government” 8 in many sectors of society. The apparent evolution in the role of the state is often linked to the absolute increase in the number, size, and social impact of non-state actors since the 1920s on both national and

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80
Theorizing the fluid national and urban regimes of forced migration in Southeast Asia
Pei Palmgren

illegal, collaborations between state and non-state actors to facilitate movement of forced migrants out of the national territory. The section identifies two ways state authorities have accomplished these pushes: collusion with human smugglers to deflect boats or funnel passengers through shadow migration routes, and devolution of management to humanitarian actors working to resettle refugees to other countries. In 2009, news stories exposed the Thai Navy's “push back” policy of towing intercepted boats of smuggled Rohingya migrants back out to sea

in Displacement
Susanne Martin and Leonard Weinberg

not new for non-state actors – as demonstrated by the example of the Viet Cong using terrorism against civilians while engaging in guerrilla warfare against regular armed forces – it seems to have become a more common tactic of warfare. Many of today’s insurgents have rebel groups as adversaries, not just states. They also have external adversaries in the forms of foreign states and international governmental organizations. One byproduct of the global war on terrorism is the emphasis that has been placed on terrorist entities and the international scope of the

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare
A foundation of understanding
James W. Peterson

can be useful in outlining one of the unexpected transitions in post-Cold War times. However, one could properly ask: “A transition to what?” Perhaps Realism Revised can provide at least a partial answer. One of that theory's hallmarks is the intangibility of state borders and the resulting ability of non-state actors to penetrate them with apparent ease. A brief consideration of these analytical components can cast light on the dilemmas that surrounded the two sets of leaders. Multi-polarity was in evidence across several dimensions and sectors. On the one

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.