I recognize that while much of this book has been about
relations between states, including Egypt, Israel, and Syria,
this chapter is focused more upon the conflict between a state,
Israel, and a non-stateactor, the Palestinian national movement
(or really the two parts of that movement, Hamas and Fatah).
The Palestinian dimension, and that of all organizations or
non-stateactors, is different from relations between states like
Egypt, Israel, and Syria, at least in terms of how we think about
what economic and especially military
divided into three sections. Firstly, it provides a
concise discussion of the global agenda on aid effectiveness, focusing on
the tensions between coordination and ownership. Secondly, it analyses
the supranational programme managed by the European Commission
within the context of the Cotonou Agreement, paying attention to the
degree of involvement of African (both state and non-state) actors in the
negotiations of two series of multi-annual development strategies (for
2002–07 and for 2008–13). Thirdly, it explores the EU as a collective
donor, focusing on the efforts
’ sector as a percentage of total EDF. Here,
human rights and democracy support is concealed within the wider
‘governance’ category, which includes substantial expenditure on public
sector management and anti-corruption activities. Additionally, support
to non-stateactors (NSA) has been included to ensure that no financial allocations in the human rights and democracy area are omitted,
although NSA is also a wider category that encompasses support to
all civil society organisations, not solely human rights and democracy
NGOs. Therefore, while the figures in Table 8
Erica Charters, Marie Houllemare, and Peter H. Wilson
state, as Thomas
Hobbes claimed in Leviathan, was ‘war of all against all’. Europe was ravaged by the
extreme violence of an age of allegedly ‘religious wars’, from the Reformation until
the Peace of Westphalia (1648), before bellona could finally be tamed by the rise of
centralized, ‘absolutist’ states, epitomized in the ideology and representations of
Louis XIV.14 The processes of eradicating armed non-stateactors, disarming large
sections of the population, and imposing discipline on the state’s own forces was
directly connected to other social disciplinary
The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.
system” of humanitarian affairs. 6 In recent years, many scholars have suggested
that we are witnessing a gradual “retreat of the state,” 7 or the evolution of new
global modes of “governance without government” 8 in many sectors of society.
The apparent evolution in the role of the state is often linked to the
absolute increase in the number, size, and social impact of non-stateactors since the 1920s on both national and
Theorizing the fluid national and urban regimes of forced migration in
illegal, collaborations between state and non-stateactors to facilitate movement of forced migrants out of the national territory. The section identifies two ways state authorities have accomplished these pushes: collusion with human smugglers to deflect boats or funnel passengers through shadow migration routes, and devolution of management to humanitarian actors working to resettle refugees to other countries.
In 2009, news stories exposed the Thai Navy's “push back” policy of towing intercepted boats of smuggled Rohingya migrants back out to sea
not new for
non-stateactors – as demonstrated by the example of the Viet Cong using
terrorism against civilians while engaging in guerrilla warfare against regular
armed forces – it seems to have become a more common tactic of warfare.
Many of today’s insurgents have rebel groups as adversaries, not just
states. They also have external adversaries in the forms of foreign states and
international governmental organizations. One byproduct of the global war on
terrorism is the emphasis that has been placed on terrorist entities and the
international scope of the
can be useful in outlining one of the unexpected transitions in post-Cold War times. However, one could properly ask: “A transition to what?” Perhaps Realism Revised can provide at least a partial answer. One of that theory's hallmarks is the intangibility of state borders and the resulting ability of non-stateactors to penetrate them with apparent ease. A brief consideration of these analytical components can cast light on the dilemmas that surrounded the two sets of leaders.
Multi-polarity was in evidence across several dimensions and sectors. On the one
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.