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Abstract only
A. J. Coates

opportunity, though without prejudice to considerations of justice. Did the leaders of the coalition fulfil that obligation? Two methods were employed (in addition to the threat of force) in an attempt to bring about a non-­military resolution of the conflict: economic sanctions and diplomacy. The efficacy of a trade embargo as a means of resolving international conflict is much disputed. Scepticism is rife, and appears to have been justified in this case. This is not to say that sanctions served no purpose or that they played little part in the termination of the conflict

in The ethics of war
Beatrix Futák-Campbell

the prevalent emphasis on habitus and behaviour in practice theory, which neglects the problematic nature of how meaning is negotiated in discourse. Despite Duvall and Chowdhury’s insights, a similar emphasis on conduct over discourse is found in the special issue of Cooperation and Conflict entitled Diplomacy in Theory and in Practice. Diplomacy in theory and practice In their introduction, Vincent Pouliot and Jérémie Cornut look at how diplomatic studies may be negotiated with a practice-based research agenda. They assert that ‘what diplomats of all stripes do

in Practising EU foreign policy
Abstract only
Umberto Tulli

Abrams’ determination to pursue a human rights agenda were deeply rooted in the popularity of human rights both in Congress and in the American public at large. By the early 1980s, only a tiny minority considered human rights as marginal to American foreign policy. This was probably Carter’s most important legacy. Although he was not the initiator of the human rights policy, he played a crucial role in making human rights a central concern for American diplomacy. Yet to say that Carter’s human rights-based policy, its forms and its outcomes enjoyed popularity in

in A precarious equilibrium
Strategic reflections
Michael Reiterer

close co-operation with member states, the European Commission and European Parliament. Therefore the EU Foreign Minister concluded only four months after the adoption of the EUGS on 17 October 2016 that the EU expects the implementation to focus on the following priority areas during the next two years: • • • • • resilience building and integrated approach to conflicts and crises security and defence strengthening the nexus between internal and external policies updating existing or preparing new regional and thematic strategies stepping up public diplomacy

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Diplomacy, cross-border patronage, and the negotiation of subsidy alliances in the north-western part of the Holy Roman Empire (late seventeenth century)
Tilman Haug

8 Small powers and great designs: diplomacy, cross-border patronage, and the negotiation of subsidy alliances in the north-western part of the Holy Roman Empire (late seventeenth century) Tilman Haug In his study of mercenaries in north-western Germany in the early modern period, Peter Burschel stated that the end of the Thirty Years’ War with the Peace of Westphalia did not mark a significant decrease in demand in the regional mercenary markets, which remained at a fairly constant level throughout the entire seventeenth century.1 Even at a superficial glance at

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Abstract only
Louis Rawlings

against their neighbours through recourse to diplomacy, negotiation and war. When necessary, they fielded community armies composed of their citizens, many of whom were infantrymen known as hoplites. 3033 The ancient Greeks 12/7/07 13:36 Page 45 The makers of war 45 The arms of war Although the Egyptians used bronze for military purposes, what Herodotus thought was distinctive about the Greek marauders and mercenaries of the seventh and sixth centuries BC was the sheer amount of bronze equipment that they wore; it was this that appeared to give them their

in The ancient Greeks at war
Cold War governance and the public university
Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby

at a peak. It is undeniable that the US government engaged in propaganda during the Cold War and that it exploited activities including information, cultural and educational exchanges, in its struggle to win the hearts and minds of people throughout the western and non-​aligned world.6 Recent scholarship exploring American anti-​Communist propaganda in Europe, however, is a caution about the limits to the success of such ‘public/​ cultural diplomacy’. Especially in areas which had strong anti-​ American 89 Cold War governance 89 cultures, the ‘penetration and

in Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies
John M. MacKenzie

wide and 30 high.35 Great travelling imperial caravanserai were both practical and symbolic, exercising authority and diplomacy as well as displaying it in dramatically visible forms. Thus even tents could illustrate the notion that empires are never self-effacing, always seeking to display power and authority. They were a very striking instrument of imperial rule. Although the advent of the railways ensured that the rulers of British India (as well as the Indian princes) travelled by train, still these great caravans continued on hunting expeditions and in more

in The British Empire through buildings
Choosing a Fulbright scholar
Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby

‘pre-​screen’ Fulbright applicants.13 That is, the Sydney Committee would be the first port of call for paper applications, and would consider Smith-​Mundt grants and Fulbright travel awards together. They would then send a shortlist to the USEF selection committee, from which the board would make final recommendations to the BFS. Keeping a degree of oversight over the Smith-​Mundt side of things was clearly important to Rossiter and some Fulbright board members. In part this was because the Smith-​Mundt Act embraced cultural and educational diplomacy as an explicit

in Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies
Rhiannon Vickers

. Alliance diplomacy became increasingly volatile, and crises broke out in the Balkans in 1908–9 when Austria-Hungary annexed the provinces of Bosnia-Herzegovina; and between French and German interests in Morocco in 1906 and 1911. The arms race between Britain and Germany escalated, as Germany appeared to be directly preparing to challenge Britain’s naval supremacy.4 However, despite these tensions, the outbreak of war in Europe came as a great shock to most of Britain.5 In the spring of 1914 the Cabinet had been focusing its attention on the issue of Home Rule for

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1