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Louise Fuller

the 1970s, when mass attendance was at 91 per cent, some more aware clerical commentators were concerned that the disconnect between liturgy –​the language of religion –​and life was becoming so wide that it was almost impossible to bridge. Fr P.  J. Brophy, looking back on his youth, pointed out that in those days ‘pulpit and people talked the same language’; it was a time when ‘there were very few rival spectacles’ and devotions like Benediction satisfied people’s ‘modest longing for pageantry of some kind’ (Brophy 1974:  215). Fr Eamon Bredin in 1979 observed

in Tracing the cultural legacy of Irish Catholicism
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Daniel Muñoz Sempere

: Cambridge University Press), pp.  203–25 Iarocci, Michael (1999), ‘Between the Liturgy and the Market: Bourgeouis Subjectivity and Romanticism in Larra’s “La Nochebuena de 1836”’, in Revista de Estudios Hispanicos, 3:1 ( January), 41–63 47 Iarocci, Michael (2006), Properties of Modernity: Romantic Spain, Modern Europe and the Legacies of Empire (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press) Illie, Paul (1974/1975), ‘Larra’s Nightmare’, Revista Hispánica Moderna, 38:4, 153–66 Kagan, Richard (1996), ‘Prescott’s Paradigm: American Historical Scholarship and the Decline of

in <i>Artículos de costumbres</i>
Church and state reimagined
Robert G. Ingram

to act on real religious belief entailed an ‘open Profession ... so as to be seen by others’. That, in turn, meant that there needed to be clearly defined articles of faith and a set liturgy. ‘[A] Religion as is suitable to the Nature of Man, here, must have the Mediation on the divine Nature drawn out into Articles of Faith’, Warburton contended, ‘and the Mediation on our several Relations to him, into suitable and correspondent Acts of Religious Worship; and both of them to be professed and performed in common’. Articles of faith and a common liturgy, then, were

in Reformation without end
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Jill Fitzgerald

. In the course of writing this book, it has become clear to me that the poems contained in the Junius Manuscript would have reinforced these social ideals of territorial inheritance and expected obedience, making the texts powerful commentaries upon Anglo-Saxon legal and cultural practices. How the narrative moves and changes from genre to genre – exegesis, charter, liturgy, sermon, biblical poetry, hagiography – has been another concern in this book. Chapter 4 highlighted the fall of the angels narrative in poetic saints’ lives wherein

in Rebel angels
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Rosemary O’Day

Settlement, which left the Church ‘but halfly-reformed’ and which allowed so many interpretations of her nature and substance. For centuries, English people could argue, convincingly on all sides, that the Church of England was Catholic, Protestant or, indeed, neither. Historians are still rehearsing the pros and cons of the case – summoning as their witnesses the liturgies of Cranmer, the actions of monarchs, the declarations of reformers, the institutional apparatus of the Church. Not only was there doubt about the precise nature of the Church of England after its

in The Debate on the English Reformation
Kathleen G. Cushing

. Broadly speaking, the priest was responsible to his diocesan bishop for making his church a suitable place for the liturgy, saying the mass and administering the other sacraments such as hearing confessions, as well as conducting burials, receiving tithes and generally providing pastoral care for his parishioners. Perhaps on the very rare occasion he might be educated enough to hold a school. The parish priest thus was extraordinarily influential, the representative in the local ‘little community’, as Moore put it, ‘of the large, of the bishop and his authority, of

in Reform and papacy in the eleventh century
David R. Wilson

propagating devotion while constructing a tradition after the model of Wesley’s ‘experimental religion’, with its own line of holy lives and devoted ministers as evidence of the providential hand of God in establishing the denomination.1 Yet the project, often driven more by evolving Methodist culture than by a single co-­ordinated effort, served a de facto tertiary purpose. Methodism was birthed within the Church of England and used the Book of Common Prayer for its Liturgy, Calendar, and Articles.2 However, after 1786, Methodists (especially those who had stopped

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
Heylyn and the Civil War
Anthony Milton

, Williams chaired a new 115 Laudian and royalist polemic committee to reform the Book of Common Prayer and the ceremonies of the church. The committee was specifically empowered, not just to remove recent ‘innovations’, but to contemplate the reform of the liturgy itself. Early papers from the committee – whose members included a number of prominent puritans – include firm rejections of many of the positions urged by Heylyn in the 1630s, and especially the claim that the Church of England had real rather than just metaphysical altars – a position explicitly described as

in Laudian and royalist polemic in seventeenth-century England
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Hymns ancient and modern
Alana Harris

embodied. However, while acknowledging unexpected devotional continuities in elements of the liturgy, Marian devotions and the cult of saints, this book has clearly argued that there was a shifting accent in the theology and popular piety in this reception period around, and after, the Council. This is broadly understood as a move from 258-270 FaithFamily Ch 6.indd 262 04/04/2013 14:40 Conclusion263 a soteriological approach, centred on sin and salvation, towards an eschatological emphasis on the realisation of the ‘kingdom’ as present in the world and as manifest in

in Faith in the family
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Helen Hills

– but as material effects that are imbricated in the very productiveness of the chapel itself. Thus rather than treat the Treasury Chapel in standard terms of baroque as ‘propaganda’, or as a manifestation of ‘liturgy’ or ‘the Counter-Reformation’, or as apparently straightforward response to, or consequence of, a particular local event, such as the plague, the vow, or the translation of relics, I will show that it can offer a material framing of baroque and of the work of architecture that permit materiality’s development. This is, then, what might seem to be a

in The matter of miracles