are surely less contemptuous of their European neighbors than they were when Italian journalist Luigi Barzini in 1983 colorfully characterized their view of the continentals. But are they? The 2016 referendum forcing the UK to begin negotiations to leave the European Union – a process known as “Brexit” – suggests that many Brits still see a wide cultural, political and economic channel between themselves and “the Europeans.”
The 2016 referendum favoring by a close margin British departure from the European Union was a shock to British politics and to the European
The West of which we speak is defined by the values of liberal democracy,
individual freedom, human rights, tolerance and equality under the rule of law.
This book explores how Islamist terror and Russian aggression as companion
threats to the West when terrorists target Russia as well as the United States
and its allies. The threats posed by Islamist terror and Russian aggression
present themselves in very different ways. In the time of transatlantic traumas,
the Islamist terrorist threat and the Russian threat have worked diligently and
with some success. The book examines the hatred of Islamists towards Western
democracies, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union for
their involvement in the Middle East politics for several decades. There is no
single explanation for the rising popularity of illiberalism in the Western
democracies; a combination of factors has produced a general sense of malaise.
The book discusses the sources of discontent prevailing in the Western
countries, and looks at the rise of Trumpism, Turkey and its Western values as
well as the domestic tensions between Turkey's political parties. It
suggests a radical centrist populist Western strategy could be applied to deal
with the threats and challenges, reinvigorating the Western system. The book
also touches upon suggestions relating to illiberalism in Europe, Turkey's
drift away from the West, and the Brexit referendum.
, given the extent to which Turkish enterprises depend on the German export market. The goal is to keep Turkey attached to the Western alliance while working to move the country back to a democratic path. This process may require some time and patience, but Turkey is too valuable a country to give up on.
The Brexit referendum was the first big shock to the Western system of 2016. But it could pale in comparison to the pain and division that negotiating British departure from the EU could bring to both sides of the English Channel. The West would have been
honor NATO’s collective defense provision. 3 But occasional presidential tweets and public statements suggested that his basic attitudes had changed little, as he continued to argue that the European allies “owed” money to the alliance and to the United States.
If Brexit was a shock for transatlantic relations, the election of Trump was a tsunami, arguably jeopardizing nearly seventy years of transatlantic commitments, political assumptions and security cooperation. It also gave rise to speculation in Europe about the possibility of an independent German nuclear
Fifty years ago Enoch Powell made national headlines with his 'Rivers of Blood' speech, warning of an immigrant invasion in the once respectable streets of Wolverhampton. This local fixation brought the Black Country town into the national spotlight, yet Powell's unstable relationship with Wolverhampton has since been overlooked. Drawing from oral history and archival material, this book offers a rich local history through which to investigate the speech, bringing to life the racialised dynamics of space during a critical moment in British history. What was going on beneath the surface in Wolverhampton and how did Powell's constituents respond to this dramatic moment? The research traces the ways in which Powell's words reinvented the town and uncovers highly contested local responses. While Powell left Wolverhampton in 1974, the book returns to the city to explore the collective memories of the speech that continue to reverberate. In a contemporary period of new crisis and division, examining the shadow of Powell allows us to reflect on racism and resistance from 1968 to the present day.
In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.
words of UK Independence
Party (UKIP) leader Nigel Farage, the year that changed everything.
A ‘monstrous reputation’
Following the Brexit result of June 2016, in November of that year Donald
Trump was elected president of the United States. Days after this shock
result Farage met Trump, becoming the first British politician to meet the
president-elect following the election victory. Farage tweeted a photograph of the two men smiling together in front of an opulent, golden door.
The image went viral, and seemed to represent a new politics which had
of a ‘reformed’ European Union. An equally obvious similarity between the period covered by this book and today's debate is that Europe as an issue enthuses members of the elite rather than the electorate as a whole.
In 2017, following the 2016 referendum, the outcome of which was for the UK to leave the EU, there was a full spectrum of attitudes on what is now referred to as ‘Brexit’. There were those on the left of the Conservative Party and ‘moderates’ in the Labour Party who wished to see a ‘soft’ Brexit which would mean Britain remaining
European Union. There has been no independent Britain, no “Island
nation”.’ 31 In an
interview carried out during the elections in Sleaford in 2016,
journalist John Harris asked a pro-Brexit voter why she had made
that decision. Her reply was that ‘I think it’s better to come out …
we’ve stood on our own in the past, and I think we can do it
again.’ 32 The
relief that war had been averted. 5 There persists to this day a sense that Munich was a national humiliation (albeit one that was subsequently expiated by the sacrifices of 1940). Hence, during a special edition of the BBC’s Question Time during the Brexit referendum campaign of 2016, one audience member criticised Prime Minister David Cameron to his face: ‘Mr. Cameron, you say that your policy that you’ve negotiated with Europe cannot be overruled – it can. So are you really the twenty-first-century Neville Chamberlain, waving a piece of paper in the air, saying