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nation. These seismic developments have coincided in the 2000s with a strong retreat from multiculturalism, a new discourse of global terrorism and terror/securitisation agenda, and a highly charged political climate wherever it touches on questions of racial and, increasingly, religious difference.17 The ascent of Donald Trump to the US presidency in November 2016, just weeks after the ‘Brexit’ vote in June has highlighted new political commonalities hinged on new modes of nationalism and anti-immigration sentiment. Both of these events are of deep significance
and education to health, consumption, and leisure’ at the expense of working-class characters (Walker and Roberts 2017 a: 3). The repeated practice of pathologising the working class for being inherently backward within the social, political, and cultural discourse of western democracy heavily contributed to the Brexit vote, and Donald Trump’s presidential campaign across the Atlantic, as people had begun to feel left behind by
effects of economic globalisation are no doubt familiar. In the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Occupy Movement, Brexit, and the rise of national political and economic protectionism in many parts of the world, a number of commentators have predicted an end to increasing worldwide interconnectedness (Saul, 2005; Rosenberg, 2005; Verrender, 2016). However, any single or straightforward answer regarding the future of globalisation remains elusive. David Harvey, for example, discerns a complex and continuing tension between the logics of power associated with
film-makers such as Mike Leigh, Derek Jarman, Peter Greenaway, Sally Potter and Terence Davies would not have been able to sustain their careers were it not for support from the Continent; and one must wonder if they will be able to continue benefiting from this investment after ‘Brexit’. As the contributors to British art cinema: Creativity, experimentation and innovation demonstrate, ‘British art cinema’ comprises competing and fragmentary discourses. It is the purpose of this book to demonstrate that the concept of a British art cinema
-right groupings and the often unpredicted articulation of a disenchanted nationalism that culminated in the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States in 2016 and the British vote to leave the European Union (Brexit) in the same year. Irish politics remain dominated by the two major Civil War (1922–23) parties – Fianna Fáil (centre-left) and Fine Gael (centre-right). Both tend to be moderately socially progressive and fiscally conservative. Even the rise of Sinn Féin, the left-wing Republican party, has done little to stoke any major upsurge in nationalist
advocate for ‘productions which contribute to building a sustainable screen industry in Northern Ireland and which can show a direct economic benefit to the region. Projects must be commercially viable and able to demonstrate clear possibilities for commercial exploitation’ (Northern Ireland Screen, 2017 ). At the time of writing, it is also difficult to predict how Brexit will affect filmmaking in Northern Ireland. One certainty is that they will lose access to funding from Creative Europe, an EU programme with an annual budget of almost €1.5 billion