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Neo-colonialism encounters regionalism?
Mark Langan

The Brexit campaign for the UK to leave the EU was predicated upon a number of policy claims from the leading ‘Brexiteer’ politicians, notably Liam Fox, Michael Gove and Boris Johnson. One particularly interesting claim was that a Brexit decision to leave the EU would offer a progressive opportunity for improved, ‘pro-poor’ ties with Commonwealth countries in Africa (Lowe, 2016 ; Murray-Evans, 2016 ; Plummer, 2015 ; UKIP, 2016 ). According to the Brexiteer discourse, EU trade and aid policies are skewed against the economic and

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

migration and trade policies, Europeans have increasingly opted for a closing-inwards of the nation state, calling into question the viability of the European project itself. The Brexit referendum, in June 2016, provided a clear example of this. Politics on the periphery has taken a similarly illiberal turn, with more violent consequences. In the Philippines, President Rodrigo Duterte boasts of carrying out extrajudicial killings and threatens to kill corrupt state officials, and he has launched a bloody war on drugs, for which he has been

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design
Mark Duffield

-affected groups ( HPG, 2018 ). The privileging of behaviourism over more conceptual approaches to understanding ( Anderson, 2007 ) is reflected in the growing influence of ‘behavioural economics’ ( Alcock, 2016 ). Before its sobering escape into the wild, as evinced in the Trump election and Brexit referendum ( Cadwalladr, 2017 ), behavioural economics had been popularised as ‘nudge politics’. Despite raising democratic concerns in targeting the sub-conscious, it has found favour among many Western governments. 5 Behavioural economics operationalises

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Between ambition and pragmatism

Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century provides the first analysis of the state of UK Africa policy in the era of austerity, Conservative government and Brexit. It explores how Britain’s relationship with Africa has evolved since the days of Blair, Brown and Make Poverty History and examines how a changing UK political environment, and international context, has impacted upon this long-standing – and deeply complex – relationship. This edited collection provides an indispensable reference point for researchers and practitioners interested in contemporary UK–Africa relations and the broader place of Africa in British politics and foreign policy. Across twelve chapters, the book’s contributors examine how far UK Africa policy has been transformed since the fall of the 1997–2010 Labour Government and how far Conservative, or Conservative-led, Governments have reshaped and re-cast links with the continent. The book includes analyses of UK approaches to diplomacy, security, peacekeeping, trade and international development in, or with, Africa. The contributions, offered by UK- and Africa-based scholars and practitioners, nonetheless take a broader perspective on UK–Africa relations, examining the changing perspectives, policies and actions of political parties, advocacy groups and the UK population itself. The authors argue that the Afro-optimism of the Blair years no longer provides the guiding framework for UK engagement with Africa. It has not, however, been replaced by an alternative paradigm, leaving significant space for different forms of relationship to be built, or reconstructed. The book includes a foreword by Chi Onwurah MP, Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Africa.

Abstract only
Aspects of continuity and change after New Labour
Danielle Beswick, Jonathan Fisher, and Stephen R. Hurt

its predecessors. As a result, troops were sent to both Somalia and South Sudan with the justification being couched very clearly in terms of the UK’s national security. Trade and investment links have also become an increasingly important driver of UK–Africa relations. Since the Brexit vote in 2016 and the ensuing debate on a future independent UK trade policy, this aspect of the relationship has only become more significant. Conversely, Brexit has also complicated the EU’s existing trade relations with Africa. For example, Tanzania has

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Nicole Scicluna

inconsistent. Finally, I offer two possible (and not mutually exclusive) reasons for this limited influence: the impact of internal and external crises on the EU, and the Britain factor – which predates, but has been considerably complicated by, the June 2016 Brexit vote. I conclude that the EU’s relations with Australia and New Zealand are likely to remain a relatively low priority for all sides, despite increasing EU engagement with the Asia-Pacific region. The EU in Australia and New Zealand: framing the relationship Trade Trade is a core component of the relationship

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Ben Rogaly

and rejects the idea of a nested hierarchy of discrete scales. Guarnizo proposes that scales are always interwoven and interrelated. So citizenship struggles are not simply analytically rescaled from the nation-state back to the city, 6 but they occur simultaneously and in related ways at multiple scales (see also Jones and Fowler, 2007 ; Visser and Simpson, this volume). For EU nationals in the UK the process of negotiating Brexit has brought a heightened degree of uncertainty over the terms of their formal political citizenship, including their rights to

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
Alex Vines

This chapter examines the key drivers behind the UK Government’s Africa policy from 1997 to 2018 (under Labour from 1997–2010; under the Liberal Democrat Coalition and the majority Conservative Government of 2010–17 and under a minority Conservative Government from 2017). The chapter also assesses developments after the EU referendum (Brexit) and evaluates how the UK’s strategy towards Africa might evolve. 1 Overall, political interest remains firmly based upon humanitarianism but African security and trade have also become secondary

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Strategic reflections
Michael Reiterer

an army as the HRVP clearly stated but agreed to push ahead with co-operation on security and defence matters. In order to be successful this task needs to be a comprehensive approach to security and to crisis management through a “whole-of-EU approach” (Faria, 2014). Published only a few days after the Brexit decision, the EUGS develops a collective sense of direction for the EU: it needs to appear united on the world stage to keep its citizens safe, preserve its interests and uphold its values. To this end, the EU needs to become a strong(er) power in order to

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Miguel Otero-Iglesias

Trade and Investment Partnership agreement with the US, the Old Continent would be excluded from the emerging global trade framework. Pundits used to highlight that since the start of the global financial crisis the EU had signed an FTA only with South Korea and that the European population was (and is) increasingly hostile to free trade and the liberal globalising order so prevalent since the 1990s. Brexit was just the most explicit reflection of this trend. In 2017, however, the context has slightly changed. With a more protectionist President in the White House

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific