From Partition to Brexit is the first book to chart the political and ideological
evolution of Irish government policy towards Northern Ireland from the partition
of the country in 1921 to the present day. Based on extensive original research,
this groundbreaking work assesses the achievements and failures of successive
Dublin administrations, evaluating the obstacles faced and the strategies used
to overcome them. Challenging the idea that Dublin has pursued a consistent set
of objectives and policies towards Northern Ireland, this timely study reveals a
dynamic story of changing priorities. The picture that emerges is one of complex
and sometimes contradictory processes underpinning the Irish Government’s
approach to the conflict. Drawing on extensive archival research and
interviews, the author explores and explains the gap between the rhetorical
objective of Irish unity and actual priorities, such as stability within
Northern Ireland and the security of the Irish state. The book explains why
attempts during the 1990s to manage the conflict in Northern Ireland ultimately
proved successful when previous efforts had foundered. Identifying key
evolutionary trends, From Partition to Brexit demonstrates how in its relations
with the British Government, Dublin has been transformed from spurned supplicant
to vital partner in determining Northern Ireland’s future, a partnership
jeopardised by Britain’s decision to leave the European Union. Informed,
robust and innovative, From Partition to Brexit is essential reading for anyone
interested in Irish or British history and politics, and will appeal to students
of diplomacy, international relations and conflict studies.
The European Union after Brexit addresses the ways in which Brexit has changed and will change European Union politics: the forces, mechanisms and stakes of an unprecedented transformation of the European polity. How will the EU operate without one of its key diplomatic and international military partners? What will happen to its priorities, internal balance(s) of power, and legislation without the reliably liberal and Eurosceptic United Kingdom? What are the effects of the Brexit negotiations on the EU? In general, what happens when an ‘ever closer union’ founded on a virtuous circle of economic, social, and political integration is called into question? This book is largely positive about the future of the EU after Brexit, but it suggests that the process of European integration has gone into reverse, with Brexit coming amidst other developments that disrupt the optimistic trajectory of integration. Contributors focus on areas spanning foreign policy, political economy, public policy, and citizenship, with chapters covering topics such as international trade, the internal market, freedom of movement, the European legal system, networks, security relations, social Europe and the impact of Brexit on Central and Eastern Europe. Chapters are grounded in comparative politics, political economy, and institutionalist approaches to politics and economics.
nonetheless lives on – and it might be strengthened, becoming more precise and more effective, in an EU without the UK. This chapter first discusses relevant underlying social dynamics within the EU, principally to do with labor mobility, and how Brexit will change them. The UK has been the labor market of last resort for the continent for some years, and that has shaped careers, life chances, and policy options for all EU member states. Without the UK labor market as part of Europe, options for Europeans, and for British policymakers, will change. In general, it will be
expertise and validation, are important to understanding both the progress of European integration and the use made of the European policy space thereby created.
It is also not hard to see the reasons why Brexit should change the meaning and impact of these networks. The United Kingdom, reflecting its size, wealth, relatively functional labor markets (see Chapter 4 ), and sheer power as a scientific and research country, was well represented in European meetings. Its agencies were influential in European deliberations, its experts sat on and chaired technical working
The outcome of the ‘Brexit’ referendum of 23 June 2016 generated shockwaves across Europe. Much of the initial attention focused on analyzing factors that explained the outcome of the referendum. Although the request for withdrawal from the European Union was submitted under Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty, the nature and type of Brexit continues to remain contentious in domestic political debates. As questions of borders, budgets and barriers are still seemingly unresolved and intractable, the economic and political effects of Brexit will be
The future of the EU is in question, and not just because of Brexit, which is only one of the many crises that have hit the Union in recent years. The Eurozone crisis, the refugee crisis, and the ongoing security crisis are equally problematic. But how Brexit occurs, whether very hard or somewhat ‘soft’, may have a significant impact on future European integration. At the same time, future integration – its form and content – will also have an impact on how the UK engages with the EU going forward. This chapter discusses the various options for the
attributed federalizing aims and which the European Court has suggested is ‘destined to be the fundamental status of nationals of the Member States’ (Maas 2014 , 2017b ). The right to live, work, and study anywhere within the EU usually tops public opinion surveys asking Europeans what the EU means to them, and these rights are enormously popular across the EU, even in the UK (Maas 2017a , 584). Whichever form Brexit takes – hard, soft, simply symbolic, or even cancelled entirely – free movement is a significant issue in the process. This chapter examines the effects of
negotiations was all too brief, however, as a wave of remorse caused Brexit Minister David Davis and Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson to resign from their positions. In July, the EU’s Chief Negotiator for the Brexit talks, Michel Barnier, thoroughly rejected the UK’s proposal, stating that ‘The EU cannot and the EU will not delegate the application of its customs policy and rules and VAT and excises duty collection to a non-member who would not be subject to the EU’s governance structures’ (BBC News 2018 ).
This vignette illustrates the challenges that EU negotiators face
No one saw Brexit coming. Certainly not David Cameron when he announced the in/out referendum for 23 June 2016, a prime minister who had seen off two previous referendums, on Scottish independence in 2014 and on electoral reform with the alternative vote referendum in 2011. Clearly Cameron was a man who knew how to hold and win referendums and while he called the in/out referendum on EU membership, he did so fully expecting that he would win it. There was a broader general complacency, perhaps derived from previous referendums, that incumbency
seems ironic that Northern Ireland had a relatively low profile during the Brexit referendum campaign of 2015 and 2016.
This was certainly true in Britain, where it was subsumed under the white-hot debate over immigration and media-friendly slogans of the Leave campaign's assertions about ‘taking back control’ of the UK borders. Even in the Northern Ireland context Brexit was a relatively low-key issue, at least initially – which, given subsequent events, seems a little surprising