Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 64 items for :

  • "Capitalism" x
  • Philosophy and Critical Theory x
  • All content x
Clear All
Paul K. Jones

consistent position of the Frankfurt School, and Adorno particularly, was not compatible with the mass society thesis as they held to the necessity of a class analysis of contemporary capitalism rather than the theoretical rendering of it as a society of ‘atomized individuals’, as the mass society thesis entailed. 12 Indeed the ‘profound transformations’ Lowenthal cites are more consistent with the terminology of the Institute's internal debate over ‘state capitalism’ addressed in the next section. The question of mass

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
Abstract only
A plea for politics at the European level
Peter J. Verovšek

striking parallel between the interwar years and the world at the start of the twenty-first century is to be found in the economic realm. While critical theory moved away from its focus on capitalism towards an analysis of injustice after the passing of the first generation, today it is once again clear that an economic focus on ‘[e]‌mancipation, not justice, is the urgent job of critique.’ 36 Although they are separated by almost a hundred years, both of these periods have been defined by a global collapse of financial capitalism. The very names for these two crises

in Memory and the future of Europe
Paul K. Jones

capitalism. Laclau here rejects ‘the pessimism of an Adorno’ understood as: human beings produced by this growing expansion of the market would be completely dominated by capitalism. Their very needs would be created by the market through the manipulation of public opinion by the mass media controlled by capital. … … The pessimism of the Frankfurt School stems from the fact that in its approach two central assumptions of Marxist theory remain unchanged

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
Poulantzas, Laclau, Hall
Paul K. Jones

's ‘activist’ opposite. His appeal lay in part in this very combination of orthodox revolutionary and anti-orthodox reflective thinker, the latter role becoming his major preoccupation, owing to his long imprisonment. Like the Institute's early work, his project was informed by a failed left uprising and the rise of fascism in his nation of origin (Italy). But, unlike the Institute's apparent political caution, there seemed to emerge from his prison writings a coherent, if ambiguous, strategy for transforming Western capitalism into socialism. Not long

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
Abstract only
Simon Mussell

welfare and responsibility on the one hand, and upward social mobility and acquisitiveness on the other. They could still conjure up the image of a socially progressive form of capitalism in which economic growth went hand in hand with the liberalization of values. If there is one thing that must be acknowledged of our present moment, it is that those times are over. What is more, they will not be returning. Anyone who speaks wistfully of bygone ‘Third Way’ schemes without referring to the political and economic conditions that enabled them has corpses in their mouth

in Critical theory and feeling
Abstract only
Steven Earnshaw

often linked drinking to poverty, ignoring the more ‘spiritual’ problems which may have been inaugurated by industrial capitalism, as we saw with the case studies in Chapter 1, but which remain evident in the second half of the twentieth century. For the figures in many of the later works money and jobs are not the immediate pressing issues, yet the drinking persists and it is modernity more generally which is the problem. When capitalism does feature in the neo-​liberal period,20 it is in a rather tired way. Hannah in Paradise declares:  ‘Capitalism  –​ whoever

in The Existential drinker
Mads Qvortrup

poverty of neo-liberalism Nobody in the political mainstream speaks out against capitalism today. Opposition to free markets is seen as naive – or a proof of ignorance of the laws of economics. Hibernating or moribund Marxists of a Gramscian hue may talk about a ‘hegemonic project’, others – however reluctantly – may admit to Fukuyama’s thesis of the ‘End of History’ (Fukuyama 1992); that world history, ideologically speaking, has ended, that liberalism has triumphed. Scores of reports trumpet the virtues of the prevailing system of market capitalism – and are followed

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Abstract only
Thomas Osborne

one of bleakness and pessimism. But it makes little sense to describe Adorno as a pessimist. A pessimist thinks that things are going to get worse. Adorno thinks they have already hit the depths. He is better seen simply as a miserabilist. His Marxism is certainly bleak. The high capitalism of the nineteenth century was bad enough. The twentieth century has seen the emergence of culture as an instrument of social control. Only, there is no such thing as culture – only the capitalist machinations of the culture industry, the capitalist exploitation of cultural form

in The structure of modern cultural theory
Simon Mussell

under the weight of world events. One finds such a rise and fall narrative repeated right across the political spectrum. Of course, the political right has successfully peddled its post-​1989 triumphalism for some time now, merrily proclaiming the ‘end of history’ in the consolidation of free market capitalism and liberal democracy. While Margaret Thatcher boasted ‘there is no alternative’, many commentators (most famously Francis Fukuyama) eagerly joined the symbolic burial of socialism. Given the right’s scale of ideological investment in preserving and

in Critical theory and feeling
Peter J. Verovšek

are transmitted to the next generation. If they do not, the increasingly fractured project of unification could indeed tear itself apart. The failure of the EU has political implications far beyond the continent. At the start of the twenty-first century, the western model of combining politics, society, and economics based on the principles of democracy, liberalism, and capitalism is increasingly under threat. New models of governance that accept free markets but reject both liberalism and democracy have started to challenge western assumptions about modernisation

in Memory and the future of Europe