accept and work with the world as is –
rather than how it ought to be . In celebrating the positive demand for empathy,
humility and resilience, adaptive design supplants the call for systemic change. This
conservatism is an example of how a progressive neoliberalism ( Fraser, 2017 ) is dissolving and sapping the powers of resistance ( Han, 2010 ). The excessive positivity of adaptive design,
its endless willingness to happily fail-forward into the future, suits the economic logic of
late-capitalism. 2 To draw this out, it is
Violence and Miscegenation in Jean Toomer‘s ‘Blood- Burning Moon’
Jean Toomer‘s Cane (1923) has long been considered a signature text of both avant-garde Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance. While Gothic tropes and imagery lurk throughout Toomer‘s collection of poetry and prose, Anglo-American Gothic conventions come to the foreground in the story ‘Blood-Burning Moon’. The story‘s interracial love triangle provides a locus of conflict between the post-Reconstruction American South and the haunting economic logic of slavery. Though the three characters each aspire to new racial, sexual and economic identities, they are terrorized by a society where employer-employee relations cannot escape the violence of the master-slave dialectic. Toomer does not relinquish his aesthetic experimentation and political radicalism to the Anglo-American Gothic, but instead engages the Gothic form in order to critique the violent racism of American capitalism. In this way, Toomer positions the Gothic centrally within African-American literary and cultural history.
Crude Metonymies and Tobe Hooper‘s Texas Chain Saw Massacre (1974)
My analysis of Tobe Hooper‘s Texas Chain Saw Massacre centralizes the films political setting: an early 1970s Texas gas station that has no fuel and that offers only death to those who assume petroleums easy purchase. Such a move shifts critical attention from the film‘s monstrous bodies to its Gothic economy and the dead ends of corporate US oil culture. In Chain Saw, metonymies of blood and oil signify not only the material history of Texas oil and the seemingly unstoppable machinery of capitalism, but also the tremendous gap – or ‘gulf ’ – between human and nonhuman persons.
An Introductory Text and Translation (Halit Refiğ, 1971)
Murat Akser and Didem Durak-Akser
Halit Refiğ had impact on debates around Turkish national cinema both as a thinker
and as a practitioner. Instrumental in establishing the Turkish Film Institute under
MSU along with his director colleagues like Metin Erksan and Lutfi Akad, Refiğ
lectured for many years at the first cinema training department. This translation is
from his 1971 collection of articles titled Ulusal Sinema Kavgasi (Fight For National
Cinema). Here Refiğ elaborates on the concept of national cinema from cultural
perspectives framing Turkey as a continuation of Ottoman Empire and its culture
distinct and different from western ideas of capitalism, bourgeoisie art and Marxism.
For Refiğ, Turkish cinema should be reflected as an extension of traditional Turkish
arts. Refiğ explores the potential to form a national cinema through dialogue,and
dialectic within Turkish traditional arts and against western cinematic traditions of
Gothic productions appear in clusters during the capitalist world-markets transition from one economic cycle to another. Using a world-systems approach, I argue that Gothic narrative devices and sensations are both historically specific to the time of their production and representative of the general logic of capitalist time-space contortions. A world-systems perspective insists on an inter-state relational approach relatively unexplored within Gothic studies. Using Stoker‘s Dracula as a case study, the article claims that Dracula encodes inter-imperialist tensions, primarily those between England and Germany and their proxy agents over South African gold mines in the Transvaal. This antagonism provides the background to the Boer War, itself a forerunner to the First World War‘s battle among imperialists.
Money, Commerce, Language, and the Horror of Modernity in ‘The Isle of Voices’
Money, not merely as subject in literature but also in its very form and function, exhibits qualities of spectral evanescence, fetishised power over the imagination, and the uncontrollable transgression of boundaries and limits, which closely parallel the concerns and anxieties of Gothic literature. Yet it is in the writings of economic theorists and commentators on market society like Adam Smith and Karl Marx that these Gothic anxieties about money are most clearly articulated. Stevensons short story ‘The Isle of Voices’, read in the context of his comments on money in his other writings, is one of the few fictional texts which uses these properties of money to create what might be called a ‘financial Gothic’ narrative, which nevertheless has insights and implications for the narratives of capitalist modernity in general.
James Baldwin, the Religious Right, and the Moral
In the 1980s, James Baldwin recognized that a major transformation had occurred in the
socio-political functions of religion. His critique adapted accordingly, focusing on the
ways in which religion—particularly white evangelical Christianity—had morphed into a
movement deeply enmeshed with mass media, conservativepolitics, and late capitalism.
Religion in the Reagan era was leveraged, sold, and consumed in ways never before seen,
from charismatic televangelists, to Christian-themed amusement parks, to mega-churches.
The new movement was often characterized as the “religious right” or the “Moral Majority”
and was central to both Reagan’s political coalition as well as the broader culture wars.
For Baldwin, this development had wide-ranging ramifications for society and the
individual. This article draws on Baldwin’s final major essay, “To Crush the Serpent”
(1987), to examine the author’s evolving thoughts on religion, salvation, and
transgression in the context of the Reagan era.
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
states, others, like the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade],
were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western
democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although
perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or
economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became
one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask
‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it
disillusioned with the truncated horizons of the New Left
and resigned to the triumph, for a generation or two, of welfare capitalism ( Meiksins Wood, 1995 ). Before this, global humanitarianism
had been a largely religious exercise, an extension of Christian ministry ( Barnett, 2011 ), while human rights barely registered on the world stage
( Moyn, 2010 ). From the 1970s on, the humanist
international became a place where disillusioned rebels could continue to work, albeit in a new
idiom, for those who suffered. They ceased working to any great extent on their
Schumpeter , J.
A. ( 2003 ), Capitalism, Socialism and
Democracy ( London :
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Neophilia: The “Innovation Turn” and Its
Implications’ , Third World
Quarterly , doi