accept and work with the world as is –
rather than how it ought to be . In celebrating the positive demand for empathy,
humility and resilience, adaptive design supplants the call for systemic change. This
conservatism is an example of how a progressive neoliberalism ( Fraser, 2017 ) is dissolving and sapping the powers of resistance ( Han, 2010 ). The excessive positivity of adaptive design,
its endless willingness to happily fail-forward into the future, suits the economic logic of
late-capitalism. 2 To draw this out, it is
The post-communist transition in Romania has been a period rife with high hopes and expectations as well as strong disappointments and disillusions. The engagement with these disappointments or disillusions has mainly fallen along the lines of critical editorial comments by dissidents and intellectuals or academic engagements that connect it to different forms of social and political apathy. What seems to be lacking however, is a more head-on engagement with disillusionment as a self-contained process that is not just a side-effect of political corruption or economic failures but rather an intrinsic part of any transition. This book provides the basis for a theory of disillusionment in instances of transition. It also elaborates on how such a theory could be applied to a specific case-study, in this instance, the Romanian transition from communism to capitalism. By defining disillusionment as the loss of particularly strong collective illusions, the book identifies what those illusions were in the context of the Romanian 1989 Revolution. It also seeks to understand the extent to which disillusionment is intrinsic to social change, and more importantly, determine whether it plays an essential role in shaping both the direction and the form of change. The book further inevitably places itself at the intersection of a number of different academic literatures: from regional and comparative studies, political science and "transitology" studies, to sociology, psychology and cultural studies.
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
states, others, like the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade],
were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western
democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although
perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or
economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became
one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask
‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it
disillusioned with the truncated horizons of the New Left
and resigned to the triumph, for a generation or two, of welfare capitalism ( Meiksins Wood, 1995 ). Before this, global humanitarianism
had been a largely religious exercise, an extension of Christian ministry ( Barnett, 2011 ), while human rights barely registered on the world stage
( Moyn, 2010 ). From the 1970s on, the humanist
international became a place where disillusioned rebels could continue to work, albeit in a new
idiom, for those who suffered. They ceased working to any great extent on their
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its inner cohesion in the process. Its rivals may have
converted to capitalism, but they refuse to bow to Western pre-eminence and global
governance. As a result they are contenders almost against their own preferences. This
certainly holds for Putin’s Russia. Hence the inadvertent, and to some extent incoherent,
formations such as the Eurasian Union, the BRICS and the SCO.
Now, if we speak of a new Cold War in connection with the conflict in/over Ukraine,
it is essential to establish which Cold War we are comparing it with. ‘Cold War’ refers
to the West’s attempt
Nord Stream pipeline across the Baltic, agreed in 2005 and linking Russia and Germany directly, a South
Stream counterpart across the Black Sea was contracted with ENI of Italy in 2007, to
be extended through a grid into southern Europe as far as Austria, with German companies involved too. This sort of German–Russian rapprochement goes back to the days
of Bismarck and around the turn of the twentieth century gave rise to the notion that
Anglo-America, the heartland of liberal capitalism and the potentially excluded party
from such a rapprochement, should consider