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Lindsey Dodd

, churches, homes’.16 Propaganda suggested that the bombers were Jews, they were supported by Jews and that they were furthering the aims of global Jewish capitalism. Wishing for the bombers’ victory was to wish for ‘total dominance of shady plutocracy, the City, Jews, Freemasons’, and thus a return of Blum, Mandel, and Reynaud ‘and behind them’, in a tortuous twist of logic, ‘Bolshevik revolution’.17 La France Socialiste warned that the Bolsheviks would capitalise on ‘a restless atmosphere, born of poverty and hunger’ in the aftermath of air raids.18 Anti

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Lindsey Dodd

victim of carelessness, cowardliness or capitalism. But acceptance of bombing suggests a more purposeful idea of victimhood: death was not a waste. Explaining casualties like this contextualised bombing within the wider war. The Thomas brothers’ reaction to my question about whether anyone criticised the Allies was emphatic: ‘No! No! Not at all! It was war!’ Christian Solet and Christian de la Bachellerie were more cautious, but their underlying resignation was clear. Christian Solet said that ‘people didn’t think it was quite right’, whereas Christian de la

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Abstract only
Ian McEwan’s The Children Act and the limits of the legal practices in Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Ben Morgan

brings us back to something more like the model we find in McEwan’s novel and in a Wittgensteinian approach to legal theory like that of Hart. Aesthetic reactions, for Adorno, are evidence for the degree to which individual identity is the product of a complex and heterogeneous cultural inheritance that leaves its traces in visceral reactions not all of which have been fully normalized or standardized by the forces of popular culture and consumer capitalism: “The individual is so thoroughly historical that he is able, with the fine filigree of his late bourgeois

in Law and violence
Imogen Richards

identity and expression of terrorists groups, given that terrorism itself is founded in resistance to hegemonic power, and the power of terrorist groups is constituted by their ability to inspire ‘terror’ in populations, rather than to effect tangible political change ( McNair 2009 ; Weimann 2011 ). Others emphasised that neo-jihadist organisations became reliant on the mediatised production and narrating of terrorist events and the effects on the viewer this produces, that production having been made possible by the technologised products of late modern capitalism

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Joseph Heller

great deal to deter new countries from joining the nuclear club. 76 Khrushchev told various Soviet forums (on January 6, 1961) that socialism was defeating capitalism and that the Third World would join the Communist camp. The growing rift with Communist China was also evident when Khrushchev condemned Chairman Mao as a hard-liner willing to risk a nuclear war. Support for the ‘sacred’ struggle for

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Social policy in the strong society
Jenny Andersson

capitalism and was confident in the capacity of social democracy to steer change towards the completion of its version of the socialist society, the welfare state. It drew on a notion of progress that can be described as linear, as progress was conceived of as an evolutionary and harmonious process whereby economic expansion would lead to increasing security and the fulfilment of ever more sophisticated

in Between growth and security
Abstract only
Ronald Grigor Suny

their lives for others. Instead of a model of human nature as economically rational or naturally acquisitive – the kinds of human behaviour promoted by capitalism – the drives of Biørn or Karen Jeppe, Maria Jacobsen or Karen Marie Petersen were based in faith, love for humanity, a ‘need for attachment’, and fulfilment in reaching out to help others. Resentment, envy, pride, anger, hatred, certainly fear also existed in an environment saturated with death and suffering. But love, empathy and generosity not only coexisted but more often than not triumphed. Without

in Aid to Armenia
Imogen Richards

how in its spectacular dimensions, media produced by IS extends neo-jihadism’s engagement with the competitive ideologies and discursive practices characteristic of neoliberal capitalism ( Bloom 2016 ), translated in the case of IS to contemporary conflicts that occurred in material and territorial settings. In doing so, the analysis also builds upon Henry Giroux’s (2014) observation that after 9/11, with AQ and then IS, ‘the visual theatre of terrorism mimics the politics of the “official” war on terrorism’. In certain respects, the analysis also echoes Giroux

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Imogen Richards

In Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism , AQ and IS’s propaganda and finance are analysed through a lens of Bourdieusian theory and with reference to a neo-Marxist interpretation of neoliberalism. Ideological and philosophical tenets of Marxist-Leninism are relevant to the historical dimension of this book’s investigation, including the evolution of neo-jihadism since the formation of AQ in 1988, at the close of the Cold War (Burke 2004). Marxist theory has long been the dominant epistemological critique of capitalism, and neo-Marxist ideas are a foundational

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Jenny Andersson

the role of politics for national progress and put in place a social democratic language around the emerging welfare state. In the interwar period, the SAP had abandoned the overthrow of capitalism in favour of piecemeal reformism. The emphasis of functional socialism, as the theoretical underpinning of the 1930s debates, was no longer the nationalisation of production, but rather the

in Between growth and security