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Hayyim Rothman

). Direct action in the form of the general strike was undoubtedly the most important tactic Zalkind championed. Expanding on the rabbinic notion of ‘ shev ve’al ta’aseh (sit and do nothing),’ according to which passive violation of the law is permitted in order to preserve human dignity, he recommends ‘passive sabotage … declining to help capitalism in its shameful undertakings.’ Pointing to the way the (mainly syndicalist) Trade Union Congress effectively leveraged the threat of a ‘general strike’ to prevent the UK from intervening in the Polish-Soviet war (White 1974

in No masters but God
Hayyim Rothman

exploitation (Ashlag 2015 , 174).’ This state of mind, Ashlag identifies with the destructive spirit of capitalism (Ashlag 2015 , 20–21). On the other hand, there are altruists who ‘sacrifice all their days for the well-being of others without any reward,’ neglecting ‘their own needs to help others (Ashlag 2015 , 17).’  3 These folk, who embody the will-to-give and represent ‘society's constructive force (Ashlag 2015 , 174),’ are the ‘communists, who fight for the benefit of oppressed among all the nations of the world

in No masters but God
Hayyim Rothman

‘doing its work and protecting it.’ Who is ‘a Herod, a Caligula, a Czar Nikolai, a Hitler’ he asked ‘without the foolishness, stupidity, and dumbness of the masses called to conduct a holy war against the chains which they themselves forge on a daily basis (Hofshi 1964a , 212)?’ This begins, he argued, with self-transformation. Society, he wrote: Will not become good before people themselves change. More than against the capitalist regime, we must struggle against the spirit of capitalism within us

in No masters but God
Abstract only
Christian intellectuals in Britain and the crisis of Europe, 1937–1949

From the late 1930s to the end of the 1940s a high-profile group of mostly Christian intellectuals met to discuss the related crises of totalitarianism, war and cultural decline in the democratic West. Brought together by the leading missionary and ecumenist Joseph H. Oldham, the group included prominent writers, thinkers, activists and scholars, among them T. S. Eliot, John Middleton Murry, Karl Mannheim, John Baillie, Alec Vidler, H. A. Hodges, Christopher Dawson, Kathleen Bliss and Michael Polanyi. Among its wider circle of correspondents and supporters were the era’s most influential Christian authors and thinkers – such as Reinhold Niebuhr, William Temple, Jacques Maritain, Dorothy L. Sayers and C. S. Lewis. The participants in the Oldham group saw faith as a uniquely powerful resource for cultural and social renewal, and they sought to integrate diverse Christian viewpoints, reconcile faith and secular society, and reshape post-war British society. In an ‘age of extremes’ they pursued a variety of ‘middle ways’ with regard to topics such as the social relevance of faith, the relationship of Christianity to secularity, the legitimacy of capitalism, the role of State planning, the value of patriotism, the meaning of freedom and the value of egalitarianism.

Capitalism, Communism and ‘planning for freedom’
John Carter Wood

The Oldham group saw a ‘spiritual’ malaise permeating modern economic, political and social life: liberal capitalism had, in its view, failed, but the authoritarian regimes that had arisen to oppose it were even more inhuman and un-Christian. The group sought an alternative to an allegedly chaotic liberalism that would nonetheless maintain liberty, a middle way that coalesced around Karl Mannheim’s idea of ‘planning for freedom’. The group’s discussions in this area took place within (and drew and commented upon) a wider intellectual fascination in the late

in This is your hour
Joe Cleary

British political elites moved rightwards by embracing a callous neo-​liberalism. It is not unlikely that the Irish Catholic Church will, despite its antipathy to sexual and gender policies embraced by the left, also find itself impelled to move in liberal-​left directions as the once socially conservative and overtly Catholic parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, become more openly neo-​liberal and secular and espouse an aggressive neo-​liberal capitalism. Declining authority and less cosy church–​state relations are wholly compatible with increased Catholic critical

in Tracing the cultural legacy of Irish Catholicism
Ulrike Ehret

03-ChurchNationRace_094-117 28/11/11 14:42 Page 94 3 New challenges and lasting legacies England Antisemitism and English Catholics, 1919–26 Antisemitic images after the First World War most likely occurred in English Catholic discussions of modern capitalism and socialism, but were not limited to the pure economic and political aspects. ‘Materialism’ was often associated with a ‘Jewish spirit’ that pervaded national film, theatre and literature in the immediate postwar years.1 Antisemitism was not limited to the pages of English Catholic newspapers at that

in Church, nation and race
Abstract only
‘This is your hour’
John Carter Wood

to resolve tensions inherent in the problems the group faced and became typical of the group’s approach. Various kinds of ‘betweenness’ were involved: paths were sought between Protestantism and Catholicism, between faith and secularity, between laissez-faire capitalism and collectivist socialism, between rootless internationalism and aggressive nationalism, between the United States and Russia, between freedom and order, and between egalitarianism and elitism. While I use the notion primarily as an analytical term, it also appeared at times in the sources. The

in This is your hour
Freedom, democracy and liberalism
John Carter Wood

also declined. Moberly thought it had become so diffused as to be ‘non-existent’: life seemed utterly determined by financial, industrial and political systems. 13 Both the State and capitalism, Oldham argued, could prevent people from becoming ‘responsible agents’ in the service of others. 14 This had serious consequences. ‘Let freedom and responsibility go’, he insisted, ‘and Christianity as a life in this world goes with them’. 15 Hodges, too, thought modern people were often compelled to act unfreely. 16 Freedom’s loss had in part resulted from efforts to

in This is your hour
John Anderson

to that of Protestantism in Western Europe and North America in producing a new Protestant ethic that will support the emergence of a democratic capitalism that might help to finally resolve the seemingly eternal development problems facing many in the Majority World. 1 In this chapter we explore some of the political implications of the global Pentecostal phenomenon, focusing in the first instance on the extent, nature and scope of the movement and on charges that it represents a foreign implantation that serves the interests of the

in Christianity and democratisation