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Gervase Rosser

jealously complained of the evident appeal of the friars. 6 Fraternities, too, added to the texture of urban religious life, and further accentuated the scope for the agency and variety of lay religion. 7 Urban wills are eloquent of a creative range of both devotional and fraternal ties, forged over a lifetime as so many means to address the challenges of life in the late medieval town [ 105 ]. The collective memberships of

in Towns in medieval England
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Gervase Rosser

histories in vindication of his council’s position in its battle over jurisdiction with the cathedral [ 5 ]. It fell in particular to clerks such as Robert Ricart of Bristol to combine the custody of urban records with the composition of glorificatory histories [ 6 ]. In other instances the business of compiling and ordering the records became a historically creative process in its own right. A case in

in Towns in medieval England
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Gervase Rosser

the half-millennium between 700 and 1200 witnessed one of the most experimental and creative periods in the history of the post-classical city. But the last medieval centuries of the English town, from 1200 to 1500, are also rich in interest; and it is an interest which in this period can be deepened not only by the finds of archaeology but in the new light of a great wealth of surviving documentation. It is the

in Towns in medieval England
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Gervase Rosser

, to the liberties of the nearby county town of Oxford (granted by royal charter in 1191) 15 is of interest, as is the use of the word ‘commune’ to describe the small body of tenants of the new burgages. The rhetoric of such a monastic charter as this presents the abbot in the creative role of urban promoter. But while the monastic licence was necessary, and the rents were set by the lord at a level

in Towns in medieval England
Stephen Penn

itself surrounded by similarly abstruse technical musings, that concealed it from closer scholarly or ecclesiastical scrutiny. We have established that God is creative, but it remains for us to determine whether he can annihilate. And it seems to many that he should be able to do both, since there is an equally strong justification for each, and they are equal in extremity: God de facto created the world, so he should therefore be capable of annihilation. This argument has been confirmed in the following way: it is

in John Wyclif
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Alison I. Beach, Shannon M.T. Li, and Samuel S. Sutherland

Introduction Book One, more than any of the other books that comprise the CP, is a work of creative memory. Writing around 1136, in the wake of a tumultuous period of reform, political disruption, and even exile, the chronicler weaves an historical narrative that answers his community’s need for continuity with the past and security in the present. The focus of Book One is the story of Petershausen’s foundation by Bishop Gebhard II of Constance. The narrative is structured around the figure of Gebhard himself, with the chronicler first offering an account

in Monastic experience in twelfth-century Germany
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Stephen Penn

enquiries. 26 Wyclif is closer to the truth here. The Greek etymology is ’ állos (other) combined with ’ agoreúein (to speak). 27 Wyclif fails to identify a sixth way in which allegory works, and this concluding remark hardly qualifies as a plausible candidate. 28 Trópos is strictly ‘direction’, ‘route’ or ‘manner’, but Wyclif offers a creative interpretation of the word here. 29 This is almost right: the second part of anagogy derives from the verb ágein , ‘to

in John Wyclif
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Rachel Stone and Charles West

laws. 156 De divortio should be interpreted in a similar way: it is not a simple application of existing legal procedures to a case, but the creative discussion of a variety of legal and penitential concepts to ensure that justice (or at least Hincmar’s idea of it) was done. Sources of secular and Church law Hincmar accepted the general

in The divorce of King Lothar and Queen Theutberga
Simon Barton and Richard Fletcher

experimentative. Furthermore, they had no immediate successors. Leonese narrative history remained absolutely mute from c. 1150 until the composition of Lucas of Tuy’s Chronicon Mundi nearly a century later. The works translated here, varied as they are, stand together as witnesses to a distinct and creative phase of medieval Spanish historical writing. Further

in The world of El Cid
Diana Webb

. One especially creative amendment was that of Zita’s date of death, wrongly given in the Camaldolese copy as Wednesday 27 April 1279 (mcclxxviiii). As Papebroch correctly noted, 27 April was not a Wednesday in 1279. The Fatinelli manuscript would have told him that the right year was 1278 (mcclxxviii), when day and date did match, but he convinced

in Saints and cities in medieval Italy