German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
migrants from the Sea-Watch 3 ( Longhin, 2019 ).
On the history of the DGzRS, see Anders et al. (1997) and Claußen (2015) .
On the sinking of the Johanna , see Schramm (2009) .
Arguably, the idea of Europe was also challenged by the Eurozone countries’ response to the Greek debtcrisis, and the German Willkommenskultur was also a reaction to the reputational damage perceived by Germans as a result of Germany’s role in that response (see Neumann, 2016 ).
An article in the online edition of the Bremen daily Weser
good governance, human rights, international trade regulations, humanitarian intervention and state-building, recently both the US’s and Europe’s
authority as political drivers of global governance stand to the test (Acharya,
2014; Kupchan, 2012). As much as the US, weighed by debt and deficits,
is struggling to maintain its superpower status, the EU, faced with the
Eurozone debtcrisis – and more recently the refugee crisis in combination
with the creeping challenge of the far right – is struggling to keep its act
together. The EU remains unsure about its role in
The European Union’s Asia-Pacific strategies and policies at the crossroads
Weiqing Song and Jianwei Wang
countries. The EU largely remains an observer
because it is not party to any of these most important multilateral economic
negotiations. This absence is in complete contrast to its huge stakes in the
region and even in Europe itself. Moreover, it is still embroiled in its internal
inability to reach agreement, owing to issues such as the Euro debtcrisis
and the lack of co-ordination on global economic strategy, the massive
influx of refugees from neighbouring countries and the rise of political
populism. In the case of its China policy, the EU is working hard with China
collected in 2006 to the most recent one in
2015. Similarly, national leaders of the EU big three had appeared more
frequently than EU officials. In the dataset collected after the outbreak of
the Eurozone debtcrisis, attention given at the time to the “problematic”
countries, the so-called “PIIGS” countries (Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece
and Spain), rose significantly. Another noteworthy point is that the EC/EU
Public diplomacy of the EU in East Asia
Financial liberalisation and the end of the Cold War
large demonstrations, which provoked a violent reaction from the army.
Under mounting pressure, the government agreed to negotiate about
wages, but the talks quickly broke down.
By the beginning of 1987, output and employment were falling, the
current account was in deficit, and foreign-exchange reserves had fallen
by around 50 per cent from their level a year earlier. Funaro did, in
January 1987, persuade the Paris Club to reschedule some debts without
a new IMF agreement, something that no other state had succeeded in
doing since the debtcrisis began. But the deal
globalised further and found in the so-called Islamic State a new incarnation. Terrorism firmly arrived at the heart of Europe, refugees and immigrants swept over Europe’s border straining the principles of European
integration like solidarity and all that on top of the financial and debtcrisis
In parallel we witness a power shift from West to East, economically and
politically (Reiterer, 2015a). Asia became the economic engine largely built
on China’s economic growth which in turn led to a shift in the political and
power relationships in the region as well
towards seemingly never ending internal crisis
In relation to the first point, studies from 2011 show that Australian
media coverage of the EU that year was dominated by the Euro crisis
(Polonska-Kimunguyi and Kimunguyi, 2015). Unsurprisingly, this coverage
was overwhelmingly negative, the key narrative being that of a fragmenting
Union, unable to co-operate to the extent necessary to solve serious systemic
problems. The debtcrisis also tended to be framed as fanning the flames of
interstate rivalry (e.g. Germany versus Greece), damaging the EU’s image
Migrants’ squats as antithetical spaces in Athens’s City Plaza
Lebuhn, H. (2013) ‘Local border practices and urban citizenship in Europe: exploring urban borderlands’, City , 17:1, 37–51.
Maloutas, T. (2014) ‘Social and spatial impact of the crisis in athens-from clientelist regulation to sovereign debtcrisis’, Région et Développement , 39, 149–166.
Mezzadra, S. (2004) I confini della libertà: per un’analisi politica delle migrazioni contemporanee (Rome: DeriveApprodi).
Mezzadra, S. (2011) ‘The gaze of autonomy: capitalism, migration and social
clamping down on trade unions, the bourgeoisie
mounted tax revolts and sought to roll back concessions made after the war.17 This
countermovement culminated in the ‘Volcker Shock’, the decision by the Chairman of
the US Federal Reserve, Paul Volcker, to wring inflation out of the economy by raising
real interest rates, eventually to around 20 per cent. This undercut the compromises
of the previous period, imposing high unemployment at home and throwing the Third
World into a debtcrisis. The Soviet bloc, notably Poland, as well as non-aligned, socialist
-war taxation see S. Steinmo, Taxation and Democracy: Swedish, British
and American Approaches to Financing the Modern State (London: Yale
University Press, 1993).
See T. Notermans, Money, Markets, and the State: Social Democratic Economic
Policies since 1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
R. H. Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third
World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
See R. Wood, From Marshall Plan to DebtCrisis: Foreign Aid and Development
Choices in the World Economy (Berkeley: University of California