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Abstract only
E.A. Jones

chastity and withdrawal from the world – and those who sought a ‘mixed life’ of piety and contemplation combined with a continued engagement with secular affairs. 12 In most cases, compared with the established orders, the lives were unstructured, their boundaries fluid, and their relation to the ecclesiastical authorities ad hoc . In late medieval England the question of regularity, and the presence or

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
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Gervase Rosser

. The implementation of civic administration called for the engagement of the townspeople themselves, and this was typically realised by means of local systems of policing and self-assessment which in many cases, having originated long before, became enshrined in the structure of civic government. The wards of London are one case in point, the leets of Norwich another: in both instances the

in Towns in medieval England
Abstract only
Gervase Rosser

town. The guilds’ potential to act as a catalyst in the larger urban society is seen in the public presentation by the York fraternity of the Pater Noster, or Our Father, of a play in which the meaning of the prayer was expounded through a series of dramatic encounters between Virtues and Vices [ 97 ]. The engagement of dozens of families in a collective project for the common good is exemplified

in Towns in medieval England
E.A. Jones

hand, these were men and women of strong religious commitment, and (one must assume) a deep sense of engagement with questions of faith, who nevertheless had not found what they were looking for in the established forms of living that the mainstream institutional church offered them. So perhaps it is not entirely surprising that one of the early preachers of Wycliffite heresy in Leicester should have been the hermit William Swinderby [ 60 ]. A few

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
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C. E. Beneš

generally known for its intellectual culture or humanist engagement. 28 The present translation seeks to enlarge students’ and scholars’ understanding of the breadth and depth of the Italian civic chronicle as a genre in ways that have not previously been possible in English translation. Genoa in the late thirteenth century In some ways, the city-state of Genoa ( fig. 3 ) was at its peak in the late thirteenth century

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
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Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

difference of at least twenty years. Conflicts with Carolingian rulers ran in this family, precisely because they were of royal progeny, as Radbert proudly reported in his Life of Adalhard . Here he also contended that Adalhard became a monk in Corbie as a protest against Charlemagne’s breaking his engagement to the daughter of the Lombard king Desiderius in 771, a version of events not confirmed by any other source. 43 Whether real or fictional, the altercation between Adalhard and his king did not last, for in 780/1, at the very latest, Adalhard was granted the abbacy

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire
Abstract only
Stephen Penn

for Ludgershall), suggesting that Wyclif may already have been involved with the Crown by this time. His account of the proceedings of the Parliament of 1371 in the second book of On Civil Lordship ( 37 ), together with a gift of tithes from the king in that year, have prompted speculation that he had actively been involved in royal service even earlier. 31 On 26 July 1374, Wyclif was commissioned to travel to Bruges with six others for the purpose of discussing papal taxation of the clergy. This was his first known public engagement on

in John Wyclif
Stephen Penn

For the student at any university in late medieval Europe, logic and metaphysics were the necessary preliminaries to any serious engagement with theological questions. Wyclif’s distinctive and controversial theological system relied upon an equally distinctive and impressively intricate philosophical system. His three logical treatises and his Summa de Ente (a modern title) are only now beginning to receive the attention they deserve from scholars, but only one of them ( On Universals ) is available in English translation. I have here

in John Wyclif
Abstract only
Stephen Penn

derivative way, and could easily lead the unwary exegete astray. If Wyclif is to be believed, the majority of his contemporaries in Oxford were caught up in a kind of early linguistic turn, devoting undue attention to the properties of terms, generally at the expense of any engagement with the truths underpinning them. Some people maintain that there is nothing anomalous about holy scripture being false. Indeed, if scripture is nothing more than the codices of human scribes, and those scribes happened to have been more untruthful than usual [when

in John Wyclif
Stephen Penn

( 37i and 37ii ); indeed, their lack of proper power in secular affairs effectively excluded church officials from any meaningful engagement with affairs of state. Wyclif is careful to point out in the sixth chapter of On the Office of the King that, of the two, the king’s office was superior ( 37i ). The king was quite at liberty to exercise his authority over ecclesiastical administration, especially in relation to perceived errors of the church, but any such intervention had properly to relate to secular, rather than spiritual, affairs of the church. In

in John Wyclif