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Hayyim Rothman

philosophical and theological reasons. For instance, God-seekers of the Solovyov circle were deeply indebted to the philosophy of F. W. J. Schelling (Vasilyev 2019 ). Its neoplatonic elements fit long-standing trends in the orthodox theology (Lossky 1976 , 29; Louth 1989 , 20–21; Vasilyev 2019 ). Its engagement with parallel kabbalistic notions attracted Jews (Franks 2019 ), attracted Russian Christians to Jewish thought (Kornblatt 1991 ; Burmistrov 2007a, b ; Daigin 2008 ), and attracted in tandem Jewish thinkers to Russian Orthodox theology

in No masters but God
Abstract only
Fabian Graham

approach to the study of trance possession, “To engage intelligently, empathetically and respectfully” (Bowie, 2013 : 25) with Underworld deities as channelled through their tang-ki . Influenced by “Cognitive empathetic engagement” (Bowie, 2013 ), a research methodology intended “To elucidate the object of study rather than become an exercise in self-reflection” (Bowie, 2013 : 4), the dialogic approach has been utilised as a fundamental research tool allowing for personal communication and interaction with tang-ki before, during and after rituals. Intriguingly

in Voices from the Underworld
Abstract only
Hayyim Rothman

into which the institution entered in the decade prior to its 1892 closure left (as I shall later elaborate) an indelible and shared mark on their understanding of Judaism, most notably, their deep engagement with Zionism, either for or against. Concretely, it would be more accurate to describe our ‘ minyan ’ as an artificial grouping of individuals who, under common religious, intellectual, and historical influences more or less independently turned to the Jewish intellectual heritage with similar questions and arrived at analogous conclusions as

in No masters but God
Ellora Bennett

Bede held the Irish Church in esteem as it played a key role in his narrative of Northumbria's Christianisation. 55 Again, the Anglo-Saxon protagonists are presented as the threatening or inferior party. However, that sense of disjunction is not between Ecgfrith's forces and the Irish, but between Northumbria's temporal leader and the kingdom's spiritual elite. Through Bede's narrative, this conflict is played out in Ecgfrith's military engagements, wherein the king's behaviour reflects his irresponsibility in

in Early medieval militarisation
Ryan Lavelle

Here, the sense of the West Saxon military victory is given significant emphasis, particularly contrasted with occasions when the Vikings defeated the Anglo-Saxons. Discussion of the definition of a folc gefeoht , translated somewhat opaquely by Dorothy Whitelock as ‘general engagement’, in 871 is particularly illuminating in this respect. The ASC seems to define this as the battles requiring participation of the king with all army units of ealdormen – in turn, thegns and followers, so the ‘whole people’ ( folc ). This record casts some light on the notion of a

in Early medieval militarisation
Guido M. Berndt

–47. 50 A prominent case is Droctulf. Some stages of his military career are recorded in an epitaph endowed to him in the Basilica of San Vitale (Ravenna), reported by Paul the Deacon ( HL III,19). Also Theophylact Simocatta (trans. M. and M. Whitby, The history of Theophylact Simocatta [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986]) preserves some glimpses of his military engagements for the Byzantines (II,17,9–10, pp. 67–8). 51

in Early medieval militarisation
The Welsh experience of church polity, 1640–60
Stephen K. Roberts

the Westminster assembly, in which he had inherited the layman’s seat initially taken by the now deceased Pym. WALES AND PARLIAMENTARIAN RELIGIOUS POLITICS Harley’s engagement with the problem of reforming the Welsh church was re-energised by his efforts to advance the work of the assembly. Inevitably, so far as its deliberations addressed Welsh problems at all, the assembly was sympathetic towards the policy of a structured reform and augmentation of the parochial ministry, not towards itinerancy. It was a significant straw in the wind that almost as soon as the

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Autobiography, suffering and professions of faith
Sarah Ward Clavier

ejection for loyalty to the crown as well as his seniority and experience.52 Brian Duppa’s support was effective even beyond death for one individual. John Lowen was resident at Christ Church, Oxford, until ‘ejected by an Order of the Rebells at Westminster Anno Domini 1650 for refuseing to subscribe and giueing a publique defiance to the nationall engagement’. He was ‘the onely kinsman that was bred a scholler under the Care and Tuition of Brian Duppa late bishopp of Winchester’ and on those grounds asked for promotion to the archdeaconry of Winchester.53 Several

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Two-kingdoms theory, ‘Erastianism’ and the Westminster assembly debate on church and state, c. 1641–48
Elliot Vernon

reformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 228; Prior, ‘Rethinking church and state during the English interregnum’, 464. 17 Prior, ‘Rethinking church and state during the English interregnum’, 464. 18 For Calvin’s two-kingdoms theory see E. Campi, Shifting patterns of reformed tradition (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2014), pp. 60–3, and M. J. Tuininga, Calvin’s political theology and the public engagement of the church (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017). 148 ‘They agree not in opinion among themselves’ 19 See for example T. Maruyama

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Joel Halcomb

and Protectoral regimes 174 The association movement refused to grant them: structures of authority, defined confessions of faith and clear guidance on basic practices. The more ambitious associations even worked to cut the Gordian knot of religious settlement: they constructed irenic, accommodating platforms of church government designed to unite moderate godly ministers. These were, in a sense, an attempt at church settlement from the ground up, a moderate puritan backlash against the ‘puritan revolution’. Despite the breadth and scale of engagement with

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66