entitled ‘Normfest’. It was heartening, especially for his family, to observe that the camaraderie and warmth that accompanied Geras during his life was also present at his premature death at the age of seventy.
It was during this period that the idea for this anthology first crystallised. From different vantage points – Eve Garrard had worked closely with Geras, including several guest contributions on Normblog, while Ben Cohen had studied with him at Manchester University during the late 1980s – we both came to the same conclusion: there was room for, and indeed a
’, in Ralph Miliband and Leo Panitch (eds), Socialist Register 1994: Between Globalism and Nationalism, London: The Merlin Press, 1994, pp. 32–59.
14 CMI, pp. 40–41.
15 See CMI, pp. 49–77, where I do address this question.
16 ‘Philosophy and Critical Theory’, in Herbert Marcuse, Negations: Essays in Critical Theory , London, 1968, pp. 142–143.
17 The positions taken in this essay draw on long (mostly email) discussions and disagreements with my friend Eve Garrard, whom I accordingly thank.
the most powerful anti-war novels I’ve ever come across. I wanted to see if it held up as being this. It does. Not only that, but it’s an ingenious piece of fiction in the unique and terrifying inner world of its protagonist that it imaginatively creates for the reader. Johnny Got His Gun was inspired by the experience of World War I and was first published, in 1939, on the eve of World War II. In an introduction written last year for the Penguin Modern Classics edition, E.L. Doctorow says: ‘During World War Two Trumbo withdrew his novel from publication as an
This book explores how regional political parties use Europe to advance their territorial projects in times of rapid state restructuring. It examines the ways in which decentralisation and supranational integration have encouraged regional parties to pursue their strategies across multiple territorial levels. The book constitutes the first attempt to unravel the complexities of how nationalist and statewide parties manoeuvre around the twin issues of European integration and decentralisation, and exploit the shifting linkages within multi-level political systems. In a detailed comparative examination of three cases—Scotland, Bavaria and Sardinia—over a thirty-year period, it explores how integration has altered the nature of territorial party competition and identifies the limits of Europe for territorial projects. In addressing these issues, this work moves beyond present scholarship on multi-level governance to explain the diversity of regional responses to Europe. It provides insights and empirical research on the conduct of territorial party politics, and a model of territorial mobilisation in Europe.
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez, and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
perceived chiefs and customary law as closer to communities than
central government, but they called for reform ( Fanthorpe, 2006 ). On the eve of the Ebola outbreak, therefore, chiefs
maintained their power but it was not unchallenged.
Historical divisions between Americo- and African-Liberians have marked the fight for
power and socio-political identities in Liberia ( Ellis, 1999 ). During the political instability of the 1980s and the
fourteen years of civil war (1989–2003), these
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
https://crest2.sun.ac.za/african_evaluation_db/default/african_eval_db_01 (accessed 7 January 2020).
The details are analysed in this article, as the categorization of ‘evaluation’ by ReliefWeb differs from that used in this report (being much more flexible) and the USAID search function appears to include text references to nations, and the results require assessment, as was done for the evaluation reports on South Sudan included in this study.
ACF [Action Against Hunger]
. ( 2011 ), An Evaluation of ACF
The cyclical nature of territorial strategies in Europe
This chapter reviews the cyclical nature of territorial strategies in the three cases. It explains variation in responses to Europe, exploring why some parties perceived Europe as a means of advancing autonomy, whilst others viewed it as a threat. It also summarises the different interpretations of building ‘capacity’ in Europe—which has meant influence over central policy-making in Scotland, protection of competences in Bavaria, and increased resources in Sardinia. The discussion also explores parties' changing attitudes to European integration over time. In particular, it considers why parties became more Eurosceptical at the end of the 1990s. The concluding section makes more generalisable statements about territorial mobilisation in Europe by extending the model developed herein to other cases of regional mobilisation in Catalonia, Galicia, Flanders, Wales, South Tyrol and elsewhere.
This chapter introduces the main themes of the book, which are all related to looking at regional party strategies in Europe. The main focus of this book is on the variety of ways in which regional parties have responded to and used European integration in their pursuit of territorial interests. There are a number of issues that are considered in this analysis, such as regional party ‘adaptation’ to European integration and identification with the EU; the salience of the European dimension in party programmes, discourse and strategies; and party utilisation of Europe-wide networks to strengthen their interests. This chapter considers the decentralising of the state; the territorialisation of political parties; regions in an integrating Europe; the Europeanisation of political parties; multi-level governance; multi-dimensional party competition; and the framework of the analysis.
This chapter explores in depth the types of territorial strategies available to regional parties in Europe. It conceptualises territorial strategies on two separate but interrelated dimensions: ‘autonomy’ strategies, which lie on a continuum ranging from unitarism to independence; and ‘capacity’ strategies that are pursued to obtain political, socioeconomic or cultural policy benefits for the region. Thus, the discussion makes a distinction between the pursuit of (constitutional) autonomy from the state, and the capacity to act and control resources. These concepts are used to develop a framework for analysing territorial mobilisation in Europe, and party competition at the regional level. As building capacity may require more access to the state, the discussion theorises on trade-offs between autonomy and capacity.
This chapter begins with an overview of the main political traditions in Scotland, examining how party autonomy goals have been shaped by different ideological discourses. Then, it examines how parties conceptualise the ‘nation’ and Scotland's position within Britain and Europe. Next, it introduces the European dimension, with consideration of party responses to European integration since 1979. It argues that Scottish parties have continuously re-positioned themselves on Europe. In the early 1980s, Labour and the SNP opposed European integration as a Conservative free-market project that would undermine Scottish values. This changed in the late 1980s with a new emphasis on the social and political dimensions of integration. Labour and the Liberal Democrats began to view subsidiarity as intrinsic to Scottish devolution, whilst the SNP re-conceptualised the EU as an alternative arena to the UK for security and trading opportunities.