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One Billion Rising, dance and gendered violence
Dana Mills

83 5 Dancing the ruptured body: One Billion Rising, dance and gendered violence I move the reader–​spectator to view the performance of a protest movement that calls on us to end violence against women through the power of dance. One Billion Rising, initiated by feminist author and activist Eve Ensler, calls for a global uprising on Valentine’s Day, utilising dance to protest against gendered violence. The impact of the movement has been far-​reaching and its scope ambitious. The site of the movement is the moving body upon which gendered violence is inscribed

in Dance and politics
Abstract only
Where Do We Go Now?
François Burgat

constitution in the Arab world. But one can never be too careful. France and its Western allies thus gave their backing to the army’s ousting of Ennahda’s “counterpart” Mohammed Morsi. It thereby encouraged the spectacular democratic leap backwards that we are now familiar with. Ennahda’s exemplary political path, both in and out of power, first as majority then as minority, went back to being of no more interest than was the political equanimity of Indonesia’s millions of Muslims. On the eve of the 10th Congress of Ennahda, the successor party to

in Understanding Political Islam
Russia’s conspicuous absence from the Munich Conference
Gabriel Gorodetsky

Anglo-French relations. Masaryk disclosed to him that a summit meeting in London on 28–29 April 36 had revealed the hegemony of the hosts. The British, Maisky was told, had been ‘highly defeatist’, arguing that ‘neither France, nor the USSR was in a position to render any effective help to Czechoslovakia’. He further revealed that on the eve of the talks, Leslie Hore-Belisha, the secretary of state for war, who was just back from Rome, had intimated that ‘the expansion of Germany in the direction of Czechoslovakia, Hungary and the Balkans was inevitable, that England

in The Munich Crisis, politics and the people
Richard Toye

international relations. On the eve of his first election campaign, shortly prior to the Boer War, he deprecated the ongoing Hague peace conference and said that he was not interested in the improvement of the human race in general. Rather, ‘The supremacy of our own race was good enough for him.’ 23 There was a certain amount of posturing in all this. As an MP after 1900, though he continued to defend the territorial integrity of the Empire in the form that it already existed, he no longer advocated its further expansion. He also became friendlier to the notion of an

in The Munich Crisis, politics and the people
François Burgat

, they belonged to two distinct social strata. The “Algeria of the Club des Pins”—i.e. the nomenklatura , but not only—like the “Tunisia of La Marsa,” knew more or less nothing of a broad swath of the rest of society. With Ennahda’s breakthrough at the “Arab Spring” elections to the Constituent Assembly in 2012, one Tunisian woman clear-sightedly conceded that “We understood less of Tunisia than the tourists did.” In even starker fashion, the same was the case in Algeria. On the eve of the Muslim Brotherhood’s breakthrough, it was clear that a certain Algeria, a

in Understanding Political Islam
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Julie V. Gottlieb and Daniel Hucker

Rhetoric of Appeasement: Hitler’s Legitimation and British Foreign Policy, 1938–39’, Security Studies , 24:1 (2015); P.E. Caquet, ‘The Balance of Forces on the Eve of Munich’, The International History Review , 40:1 (2018); Yvon Lacaze, ‘Daladier, Bonnet and the Decision-Making Process during the Munich Crisis, 1938’, in Robert Boyce (ed.), French Foreign and Defence Policy, 1918–1940: The Decline and Fall of a Great Power (London: Routledge, 1998); Martin Thomas, ‘France and the Czechoslovak Crisis’, Diplomacy & Statecraft 10:2–3 (1999); Peter Jackson, ‘French

in The Munich Crisis, politics and the people
Abstract only
Richard Dunphy and Luke March

question of the internal diversity of the EL, which has had such an impact on its ability to exert its influence on the European stage; as part of a useful summary of the main European RLPs on the eve of the 2014 European Parliament elections, Thilo Janssen ( 2014 ) outlines the attitudes towards the EU of the principal actors within the EL. The relevance of his summary has, if anything, increased since then as the impact of what might reasonably be called the Greek Tragedy has both sharpened the radical left's critique of the actually existing EU and had a polarising

in The European Left Party
Richard Dunphy and Luke March

with the TNPs, even such a small role cannot be assured (Lightfoot, 2005 : 49). TNPs seldom have any direct influence over such matters as choosing the head of the EP group or committee positions within the Parliament. We have noted how TNPs attempt to have a more direct role in EU executive policy by holding party summits on the eve of European Council sessions. Some analysts argue that these summits have (on occasion) directly affected the outcomes of Council meetings (e.g. Johansson, 2002b ; Lightfoot, 2003 ). However, only the three

in The European Left Party
Hungary and Poland in the vortex of the Munich Crisis of 1938
Miklos Lojko

middle feared those above them, and those in the upper echelons feared those at the very top. T.S. Eliot’s line in The Waste Land (1922), ‘I will show you fear in a handful of dust’, perfectly encapsulates the collective psychology of interwar Europe, and of Central Europe in particular. Perhaps Margaret Storm Jameson, the Yorkshire-born author-traveller-diarist, president of the English Pen Club from 1939 to 1944, who spent a few days in Budapest on the eve of Munich, came closest to describing the local atmosphere in her autobiography as ‘bitter, rough, puckering

in The Munich Crisis, politics and the people
Emotional inflammation, mental health and shame in Britain during the September crisis
Julie V. Gottlieb

it was the still fresh memory of 1914 that resonated, too familiar for the intensity of emotion but in stark contrast as the thoughtless jingoism of August 1914 had given way to a widespread irenic response on the eve of a second world war. The crisis had profound psychological and emotional affect, both subjectively and collectively. As the Director of the Institute of Experimental Psychology at Oxford, psychiatrist and social psychologist William Brown, put it: We must remember that the attention of the whole world en masse had been focused upon the

in The Munich Crisis, politics and the people