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The metropole
Katie Donington

eve of Marriage’ – indicated that he was aware of the limitations of subscribing to an ideologically fixed representation of gender. The text parodied the ways in which lived experience exposed the gap between the ideal and the reality of marriage. The author suggested that if an argument arose the prudent wife should ask herself if she had

in The bonds of family
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Katie Donington

Jamaica, 1750–1850: Capital and control in a colonial economy ( Kingston : University of the West Indies Press , 2005 ), pp. 41 – 93 . 25 Eve Tavor Bannet , Empire of letters: Letter manuals and transatlantic correspondence, 1680–1820 ( Cambridge : Cambridge University

in The bonds of family
Nicola Ginsburgh

enemies, but also plays on underlying fears of emasculation and impotence. Notably, the protagonist Ray is able to retain his hypermasculinity by leaving Rhodesia on the eve of independence. Despite claims that Rhodesians had the best fighting force in the world, there were considerable concerns over standards. Military service did not necessarily provide an uncomplicated sense of masculinity for all. Sometimes the denial or loss of masculinity generated sympathetic portrayals; Gledhill described ‘Piet Grobler [who] had lost a leg and his testicles. He would never

in Class, work and whiteness
Nicola Ginsburgh

why the Europeans should not do so too’. 178 In the past, public opinion had often been mobilised against white industrial action through allusions to African rebellion. Rawdon Hoare recalled that on the eve of the 1929 railway strike elite settlers feared that ‘riotous “whites”’ would ‘cause grave discontent amongst the native tribes’. Those with memories of the 1896–97 rebellions cautioned how quickly Africans could be goaded into action. 179 Employers, the government and the Argus press variously argued that white workers were being irresponsible by

in Class, work and whiteness
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J.W.M. Hichberger

and incorporated into the belief system of the ruling classes before 1914. This book attempts to chart the process of transformation in the images of the army and its soldiers from Waterloo to the eve of the Great War. Notes 1 W. M. Rossetti. Fine Art, Chiefly Contemporary , 1867 , p. 13. 2

in Images of the army
Humanitarianism and the Victorian diplomat
Michelle Tusan

campaign to denounce what came to be known as the ‘Bulgarian Atrocities’ not long before Layard’s appointment. 2 Starting in late summer 1876 the public read reports in the press of the mass slaughter of Bulgarian Christian minorities by Ottoman soldiers on the eve of the Russo-Turkish War (1877–78). Advocates of the Bulgarian cause at home believed that Britain ought to take responsibility for the

in The cultural construction of the British world
Martin Thomas

, once again the notion of colonies rallying to save the mother country resurfaced as a potent, if unreliable, symbol of imperial loyalty. 6 In spite of the advances in military technology in the inter-war period, on the eve of the Second World War, French defence planners still viewed the empire in terms reminiscent of the earlier conflict. Although both French civil and military

in The French empire at war 1940–45
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Jeffrey Richards

his career ran curiously parallel to that of the Poet Laureate Alfred, Lord Tennyson. Both men enjoyed the confidence and affection of the Queen. Both made their names and their fortunes by their artistic talents. Both appealed to the middle-class sensibilities of the age. Their work also overlaps at significant points. Sullivan set several Tennyson verses as songs: St Agnes Eve, O, Swallow

in Imperialism and music
Writers in a common cause
Author: Carol Polsgrove

Across the continent of Africa, a web of laws silenced African speech. On the eve of World War II, a small, impoverished group of Africans and West Indians in London dared to imagine the end of British rule in Africa. Printing gave oppositions a voice, initially through broadsheets, tracts, pamphlets, later through books and articles. The group launched an anti-colonial campaign that used publishing as a pathway to liberation. These writers included West Indians George Padmore, C. L. R. James, and Ras Makonnen, Kenya's Jomo Kenyatta and Sierra Leone's I. T. A. Wallace Johnson. They formed a part of International African Service Bureau (IASB), and the communists saw them as "generals without an army, they have no base and must depend on their pens". Padmore saw 'trusteeship' as a concept invoked as far back as the late nineteenth-century conferences that divided up Africa. Pan-Africa, a monthly periodical T. Ras Makonnen put out, reported that Richard Wright urged his listeners to form an international network of 'cultured progressives'. Labour-powered nationalism was to Padmore more than a drive for self-government. With the Gold Coast political ground so unsettled, neither Nkrumah nor the Convention People's Party (CPP) made Wright privy to their operations. Inspired by the movement for self-government in British West African colonies, French radicals like Leopold Senghor were rebelling against French political control. In 1969, when a small American publisher reissued A History of Pan-African Revolt , James added to it an epilogue explaining the 'rapid decline of African nationalism'.

The shadow of empire in devolutionary politics
Jimmi Østergaard Nielsen and Stuart Ward

recognising the symptoms diagnosed by The Times on the eve of the Jubilee: The popular imagination can no longer feed on the glories and wonders of empire or even on the evolutionary subtleties of the British Commonwealth of Nations. Nor, it has to be admitted, does the Britain of

in Scotland, empire and decolonisation in the twentieth century