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Fintan Lane

imposition, with rapid cultural as well as economic implications, that ran contrary to the natural inclinations of the Irish people, who he claimed enjoyed a non-hierarchical, communistic clan-based society until as late as the seventeenth century, though it was under pressure from the time of Henry VIII and Elizabeth I: ‘As the dispersion of the clans, consummated by [Oliver] Cromwell, finally completed the ruin of Gaelic Ireland, all the higher education of Irishmen thenceforward ran in this foreign groove, and was coloured with this foreign colouring’ (Connolly, 1910

in Mobilising classics
Mary Pierse

1960s, the subsequent life in Denmark and then home revisited twenty years later. The contrasting attitudes of time and in place are obvious in pregnant Polly’s flight from home when faced with the uncontrolled rage of her parents whose stance Ní Dhuibhne links to their romantic ideas of a pure Gaelic Ireland. When she gets a job abroad three years later, Polly is relieved that ‘nobody cared whether or not you were a single mother in Denmark’. More than that ‘All the talk was of feminism and women’s rights and the country was packed with creches and kindergartens

in From prosperity to austerity
Marnie Hay

Colbert, who were executed for their roles in the 1916 Rising, ‘met their deaths, happy that it was for Ireland, sure of the heaven that awaited them. In boyish simplicity and purity, and with manly courage, they faced the firing squad.’ 84 Markievicz’s foreword to the second edition of the Fianna Handbook encouraged members to follow ‘the example and teachings of our heroic dead’. She reported that Liam Mellows ‘always urged on the Fianna the importance of educating and training their minds, in the principles and ideals that governed Gaelic Ireland’. 85 Mellows was

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23
Are there agreed components?
Sophie A. Whiting

, confirm a dogmatic theology of violence held by Irish Republicanism’ and ‘they intended to kill, and ultimately be killed, in order to resurrect Gaelic Ireland by means of a blood sacrifice which served to expiate sinful complacency and compromise’.33 The tradition of self-sacrifice and ­martyrdom is permanently embedded within the republican psyche. Allegiance to the tradition of republican martyrdom can be seen in discussions concerning hunger strikers. Hunger strikes in Ireland are commonly presented as a feature of political confrontation where the powerless people

in Spoiling the peace?
Katy Hayward

of the Irish population, he assumes that the Gaelic culture of Ireland has survived, and outlasted, repeated attempts at colonisation. The notion that Ireland is ‘Gaelic’ is reiterated frequently in Irish nationalism, from the call by republican nationalists for a ‘Free and Gaelic Ireland’ (de Valera, 1922: 14) to the proposition that nationalist principles are inherited from ‘the Gaelic past’ (Haughey, 7 January 1982). However, Ireland is just as frequently referred to as ‘Celtic’. Indeed, the two are generally used as interchangeable signifiers in Irish official

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Katy Hayward

of the traditional conception of citizenship with that of more recent interpretations brings to light a process of change in Irish official nationalism. In traditional republican discourse, statehood essentially facilitated vital international recognition of the nation; it was vital because, as de Valera (1918: 2) conceded, ‘unfortunately it is not the peoples, but their governments, that count’. Citizenship, according to this discourse, was based on membership of the nation, ‘a Free and Gaelic Ireland’, rather than the jurisdiction of the state (de Valera, 1922

in Irish nationalism and European integration