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The Anglo-American new world order from Wilson to Bush (Second edition)
Editor: Andrew Williams

This book explores the way in which the Anglo-American new world order (NWO) debate changed by 9/11, and the encouragement this has given to the 'neoconservatives' or 'neocons' within the George W. Bush Administration. It examines the policy-making process as it developed before the Versailles Conference of 1919. An extensive literature exists on the 'lessons of Versailles' and particularly on the 'failure' of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The book then explores how the Conference and the LON attempted to frame the immediate problems of the post-war period. It shows how NWO architects' thinking developed in what might be called the area of 'global security' from the period of the First World War until the present. The clear evidence is that the American thinking on the NWO had a huge impact in Britain's processes in the same direction. President Theodore Roosevelt shared a deep suspicion of British motives for the post-war settlement in line with most Americans. He attributed blame for the inter-war crisis as much to British and French intransigence and balance of power politics at Versailles as to German aggression. The results of the Versailles settlement hung like a cloud over Allied relationships during the Second World War and gave a powerful impetus in American circles for an attitude of 'never again'. The variety of historical archival material presented provided the background to the current and historical American obsession with creating the world order.

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The third American NWO – the Clinton and Bush presidencies, 1990–2006
Andrew Williams

justice, a world where the strong respect the rights of the weak’.1 Since then the Soviet Union has collapsed, Germany has been re-united, and a large number of states in the Former Soviet Union (FSU) and Former Yugoslavia (FRY) have been given the benefits of ‘self-determination’. However, since 1991, a huge number of appalling conflicts have broken out on several continents. We are now frequently told by that President’s son, President George W. Bush (2000–present), that the world is full of ‘failed states’ and a ‘war on terror … without end in sight’ (this last

in Failed imagination?
Kees van der Pijl

towards the West. The first US ambassador to Kiev, Roman Popadyuk, helped set up joint stock companies in Ukraine, whilst establishing a branch of the American Chamber of Commerce (ACC-​UA), whose officers were also expatriates of Ukrainian descent.103 With 1.2 million Ukrainians in Canada alone, the largest concentration outside Ukraine and Russia, there was a huge audience for ultra-​nationalist narratives such as the Holodomor, in which the calamitous collectivisation of Soviet agriculture is recast as a Stalinist genocide specifically aimed at Ukraine.104 George W. Bush

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
David Milne

159 7 David Milne Paul Wolfowitz and the promise of American power, 1969–​2001 Paul Dundes Wolfowitz is best known for his hawkish service to the George  W. Bush administration, when he pushed strongly  –​and by most accounts, influentially  –​for the invasion and occupation of Iraq. But this was merely the most recent chapter in a long foreign policy career that began in 1969, and that included service to the Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations. This chapter characterises this period as one in which Wolfowitz’s worldview

in American foreign policy
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Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order revisited
James Dunkerley

that the New York Times described Barack Obama’s visit to Ankara in April 2009 as steering ‘away from the poisonous post-​9/​11 clash of civilization mythology that drove so much of President George W. Bush’s rhetoric and disastrous policy’.78 On the other side of the analogy, the original author had certainly both clarified and changed his position. The USA had now definitely become a fault-​line state within North America; it was race and language, not religion, that determined civilisational boundaries. Uncontrolled immigration and a boundless internet threatened

in American foreign policy
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Thinking about America in the world over the longer run
James Dunkerley

service in the administration of George W. Bush, focusing precisely on the vagaries as well as the consistencies in the evolution of his thought. Many of the shifts and deepening convictions were derived, of course, form the experience of observing and implementing US policy in the latter stages of the Vietnam War and thereafter. Wolfowitz’s experience as a medium-​ranking official during the Carter administration was vital in terms of firming up his ‘neo-​conservative’ credentials. But, as Milne shows, so was his failure to persuade senior Republican figures of the

in American foreign policy
Steven Kettell

twenty-first century. In the former, a Republican administration headed by George W. Bush sought to capitalise on the position of the US as the sole remaining superpower by launching an expansionary project of global re-ordering following the terrorist attacks of 9/11. In the latter, a New Labour government anxious to elevate the influence of the British state on the world stage provided a ready source of political and military support for this endeavour. The ramifications, involving an invasion of Afghanistan, the adoption of extra-legal practices and restrictions on

in New Labour and the new world order
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Steven Kettell

9 Decline and fall A significant change The launching of the war on terror in September 2001 was shaped by two immediate factors: the new imperialist trajectory adopted by the US from the end of the Cold War, and the specific form and character of the George W. Bush administration. Seeking to craft a new world order more conducive to US interests, Washington’s response to the al-Qaeda attacks of 9/11 was driven by military measures designed to expand free market democracy in the Middle East and to establish a credible willingness to use force in defence of its

in New Labour and the new world order
Studies in intellectual history

The middle months of 2016 in the North Atlantic world offered a distinctly depressing constellation. This book offers a nuanced and multifaceted collection of essays covering a wide range of concerns, concepts, presidential doctrines, and rationalities of government thought to have marked America's engagement with the world during this period. The spate of killings of African Americans raised acute issues about the very parameters of citizenship that predated the era of Civil Rights and revived views on race associated with the pre- Civil War republic. The book analyses an account of world politics that gives ontological priority to 'race' and assigns the state a secondary or subordinate function. Andrew Carnegie set out to explain the massive burst in productivity in the United States between 1830 and 1880, and in so doing to demonstrate the intrinsic superiority of republicanism. He called for the abolition of hereditary privilege and a written constitution. The book also offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt. Understanding the nature of this realist exceptionalism properly means rethinking the relationship between realism and liberalism. The book revisits Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order, which reviews the intellectual and policy environment of the immediate post- Cold War years. Finally, it discusses Paul Dundes Wolfowitz, best known for his hawkish service to the George W. Bush administration, and his strong push for the invasion and occupation of Iraq.

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Steven Kettell

The end of George W. Bush's regime, and its replacement by a new Democrat administration headed by Barack Obama, was hailed as a sign of positive directional change in the war on terror. Yet despite key areas of difference, continuities in the United States' policy remained apparent. The most significant of these centred on the war in Afghanistan. In Britain, where domestic support for the campaign remained weak, ministers continued to emphasise the national security imperatives of defeating the Taliban in an ever more forlorn attempt to justify the mission with reference to the fight against international terrorism. Alongside these events, domestic anti-terror measures, including a new counter-terrorism framework, also continued to feature strongly on the political agenda. On a similarly recurrent note, the government's attempt to foster a values-based approach to the war on terror was further undermined by controversy over Britain's role in its extra-legal practices. The political consequences of these various issues also proved to be substantial, helping to send New Labour down to a heavy defeat in the General Election of May 2010.

in New Labour and the new world order