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A European education?
David Marquand

elites and sinister, conspiratorial subversives. The latter are forever plotting to do down the former. A case in point is the Leavers’ claim that the only way to keep the United Kingdom out of a federal Europe is to stand aloof from the rest of the continent to which we belong and whose civilisation we have shared since Julius Caesar’s troops landed on the shores of Kent. Is there an alternative? I think there is, but it is not easy to put into practice, or even into words. As a Labour Member of Parliament, my dearest friend was the ebullient, brilliant, courageous

in Making social democrats
Andrew Preston

offered up as a whole burnt-offering on the altar of peace. She is the sacrifice [while] Hitler marches with the consent of the architects of the system he has destroyed.’ 37 In private, Roosevelt compared Chamberlain to Judas Iscariot and branded Hitler a ‘wild man’ who believed himself to be ‘a reincarnation of Julius Caesar and Jesus Christ’. 38 The United States could take no comfort in the fact that the fate of Europe was in the hands of such unreliable people. Others decried Munich, but not on grounds of morality. Despite having a repressive racial order that

in The Munich Crisis, politics and the people
Open Access (free)
Rodney Barker

Bill Rolston, Drawing Support 2: Murals of War and Peace (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 1995). 17 William Shakespeare, ‘Julius Caesar’, in The Complete Work s, edited by Stanley Wells and Gary Taylor (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), Act III, Scene 2. 18 Taylor, Hegel , pp. 153

in Cultivating political and public identity
Abstract only
The legacy of history
Neil Collins and Andrew Cottey

‘Mandate of Heaven’ bestowed instant legitimacy upon successful rebel leaders. (Perry 2001: 163) The first imperial dynasty was founded by Qin Shi Huang (We3) who unified China in 221 BC and who, crucially for today’s nationalists, standardised the written language. Qin Shi Huang was a monumental figure in many ways bringing major economic and political reforms to China, starting with the Great Wall project (Pingfang 2001) and leaving the iconic Terracotta Army.2 Former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger lists him, along with Julius Caesar and Peter the Great, as

in Understanding Chinese politics
Open Access (free)
Rodney Barker

, and within each way of getting about. The range from steerage to the captain's table, or from one class of plane or train to another, can be paralleled even within simple walking. Romans characterised each other by their gait, and even their names reflected this. Gait was taken to be characteristic of social position, slaves hurrying and nobler Romans proceeding in a leisurely and dignified manner. Even families could be identified by how they moved, and Cleopatra's son Caesarion was deemed a genuine offspring of Julius Caesar by the way he walked. 34 Whether

in Cultivating political and public identity
Abstract only
Toward an ethical vision
Meir Hatina

Politics , pp. 74–75. The extolled image of ʿUmar followed the line of early, mainly Egyptian, liberals in the first half of the twentieth century; see, for example, Muhammad Husayn Haykal, ʿAbbas Mahmud al-ʿAqqad and Khalid Muhammad Khalid. These writers sought to neutralize the Muslim sense of inferiority in modern times and stimulate greater social activism. Haykal further argued that the greatness of ʿUmar was no less than, and even exceeded, that of other world figures who left their mark on human history, such as Julius Caesar, Alexander the Great, Genghis Khan

in Arab liberal thought in the modern age
"On the political passions in Europe and America and their implications for Transatlantic History"
Charles S. Maier

Don Carlo , the conspirators in Julius Caesar or Un Ballo in Maschera – all excited by political and personal passion to carry out a spectacular assassination. Their passions include jealousy and ambition in the first instance, the lust for power or for glory and preeminence, or alternatively the hatred of inequality; sometimes the thirst for liberty and hatred of authority, the commitment to national fatherland, and occasionally the belief in some vague total transformation of the present order. Characteristic of the political passions is

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered