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An overview of the role of the Oireachtas in European Union affairs
Gavin Barrett

178 5 Where we stand now: an overview of the role of the Oireachtas in European Union affairs Introduction This chapter describes the role of the Oireachtas in European affairs in the 30th Dáil (2007–​11) and 31st Dáil (2011–​16), the two most recently completed legislative periods.1 There are three main aspects to parliament’s relationship with Government. First, parliament has a role in forming and dismissing governments. Secondly, parliament has a role in policy-​making and law-​making. Thirdly, parliament has a role in rendering the Government accountable.2

in The evolving role of national parliaments in the European Union
Robert J. McKeever

, the national law-making majority at any given moment. He wrote: [T]‌he policy views dominant on the Court are never for long out of line with the policy views dominant among the law-making majorities of the United States. Consequently it would be most unrealistic to suppose that the Court would, for more than a few years at most, stand against any major alternatives sought by the law-making majority. 3 Dahl rested his thesis on both history and logic. First then, it is important to note that the Court only rarely declares federal laws unconstitutional – just

in The United States Supreme Court
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state
Author: Shivdeep Grewal

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

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Resisting racism in times of national security
Editor: Asim Qureshi

In times of national security, scholars and activists who hail from the communities under suspicion attempt to draw readers and listeners to the complexity of the world we inhabit. For those who campaigned against the SUS law in the 1980s, when young Black men were being routinely stopped in the streets, the wave of counter-terrorism legislation and policy that exists today will be very familiar. Similarly, recent discussions about the impact of drill music in the culture of young Black men has drawn questions around the ways in which they should be securitised, with senior police calling for the use of terrorism legislation against them. In this environment, when those who study and have lived alongside the communities who are at the scrutiny of the state raise questions about the government, military and police policy, they are often shut down as terrorist-sympathisers, or apologists for gang culture. In such environments, there is an expectation on scholars and activists to condemn what society at large fears. This volume is about how that expectation has emerged alongside the normalisation of racism, and how these writers choose to subvert the expectations raised on them, as part of their commitment to anti-racism.

Open Access (free)
Richard Bellamy

general, public, clear, prospective, stable and applying equally to all. As a result, none are above the law and it is hard to manipulate for self-serving and partial purposes. Another version, examined in section 3, suggests the crucial factor is the process of law-making: equality in the making of the law must be such that legislators show equal concern and respect to different points of view by ‘hearing the other side

in Political concepts
Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

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Duncan Watts

who wish to tread the career path to high office. This applies less in America, for the President and his Cabinet do not derive from the chamber. It may be that presidential candidates have cut their teeth by service in Congress (Kennedy and Nixon), but as we see on pp. 73–5 this is much less true today when the route to the White House often seems to be service as a state governor. 5 Legislation Law-making is a key function of legislatures, as the very word suggests (by derivation, legis means law, and lator means proposer or carrier, hence the idea of someone who

in Understanding US/UK government and politics
Open Access (free)
John Mceldowney

set standards and direct outcomes. And in some instances the courts attempted to discover ‘the mischief’ that was behind the legislative enactment in order that the common law should provide a remedy. The early case law is rich in the adoption of modes of interpretation to fit the circumstances of the case. The revolution culminating in Parliament’s victory over the Crown in the ‘Glorious Revolution’ (1688) came as the courts recognized the authority of parliament and its ultimate law-making authority. This provided the judges with the dominant paradigm of

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Brice Dickson

specified matters such as agriculture, education, housing and highways. In 2002 the Assembly resolved to allow the Cabinet to function as a separate body – the Welsh government. Following recommendations made by the Richard Commission, the Government of Wales Act 2006 clarified the roles of the two sources of power, bringing them closer to the model used in Scotland. In a referendum held in Wales in 2011 the people agreed to grant law-making powers to their Assembly on matters devolved by Westminster and after a

in Writing the United Kingdom Constitution