The restructuring of work and production in the international political economy
non-stateactor in an increasingly interdependent world.1 In this way, from the 1970s, the firm has come to represent
the primary vehicle of globalisation as it creates restructuring imperatives for
states and societies alike (Stopford and Strange, 1991; Porter, 1990; Ohmae,
1990; Sklair, 2001).
For many academics, policy-makers, business people, journalists and
indeed workers, there is a sense in which understanding globalisation has
become synonymous with understanding the actions of MNCs as they, in
turn, react to productive and technological transformations. For
Alex Schafran, Matthew Noah Smith, and Stephen Hall
white agential capacities. That is, the purpose of the system that produces substandard housing for black people was the production of white freedoms. 5
This only broke apart when new cross-sector forms of exploitation were introduced. Urban renewal razed many of these communities, once wealthier and more powerful state and non-stateactors saw that they could increase their capacities to make money by producing capacities for non-black people to live and work in those spaces instead of reproducing African Americans’ capacities to house themselves in
, revealing the dominant negotiated programme of ‘flexicorporatism’.
In the context of the globalisation of production, MNCs have been most
commonly depicted as the key vehicles of global transformation. They have,
however, tended to be considered as unitary ‘non-state’ actors, that is to say
defined in terms of identifiable agency that is significant because of its
‘bargaining power’ with states (see Stopford and Strange, 1991; Strange, 1996).
Chapter 5 opens up the presumed unity of the MNC to explore the social
power relationships that constitute this ‘global actor
Citizenship challenge, social inequality and the insecure state
resort to violence, workers will be increasingly inclined to take desperate actions, which will only heighten social instability in China.
Limitations to the NGO-led citizenship transformation
The migrant NGOs’ acts of citizenship have great potential to bring about a more equitable and sustainable form of development. However, these acts ultimately defy the state-prescribed models of non-stateactors’ participation in China's modernisation, resulting in a sustained crackdown on these organisations. Yet, apart from the ‘chilling
Labour non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the citizenship
( citizenship formulation ) and the acts of citizenship.
Citizenship approach to labour NGOs in China
Much of the above discussion centres on the role of the state and structural factors in the formation of citizenship. But the story of citizenship in China cannot be told without accounting for the non-stateactors’ role in that process, despite political obstacles to the involvement of citizens in negotiating citizenship in China. The structural aspects of citizenship
Mark Pelling, Alejandro Barcena, Hayley Leck, Ibidun Adelekan, David Dodman, Hamadou Issaka, Cassidy Johnson, Mtafu Manda, Blessing Mberu, Ezebunwa Nwokocha, Emmanuel Osuteye, and Soumana Boubacar
. 2017 ), which reflects the increasingly recognised principle of co-production. The research has shown that where the state does not have the ability to provide all the necessary services to citizens, partnerships with non-stateactors have proven complementary in a way that enhances accountability and legitimacy (Allen et al., 2017b ; Mitlin, 2008 ). This study has underscored that, for transition and transformation in risk management to be achieved, there is a need for clearer administrative procedures and inclusive governance. This will require a transition from