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Risks and opportunities for conflict transformation
Maéva Clément, Anna Geis, and Hanna Pfeifer

Introduction Internal wars are the prevalent contemporary type of violent conflict (Sarkees and Wayman 2010 ). Many violent conflicts involve armed non-state actors (ANSAs) such as insurgents, rebels, guerrillas, warlords, militias, paramilitaries and private security companies. In addition, the so-called ‘global war on terrorism’ indicates that transnational terrorist networks are considered to be one of the major security threats today. Whatever label is used for a certain armed actor by a government, official

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
What we have learned and what lies ahead
Harold Trinkunas

wants to do something to show we're not all wasting our time’ (BBC News 2020 ). The singular declaration of a US president of the transformation of the Taliban from recognition as a terrorist organisation to a potential counterinsurgent highlights the powerful effect that acts of recognition, mis-recognition and non-recognition of armed non-state actors (ANSAs) can have in the course of civil conflict. This is only one speech by a US leader in a long-lasting conflict, and it may not in the long run have an impact, but it was an unusually visible

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Elana Wilson Rowe

5 Non-​state actors and the quest for authority in Arctic governance The modern state, as discussed in Chapter 1, can be considered a relative newcomer to the cross-​border politics of the Arctic region. However, states have featured prominently in the preceding two chapters. We have come to see how advantageous positions earned by/​granted to states vis-​à-​vis other states matter for shaping the rules of the road in Arctic cooperative governance –​and ultimately shape outcomes. In this chapter, I seek to broaden the net to explore the positions of key non-​state

in Arctic governance

In the social sciences, recognition is considered a means to de-escalate conflicts and promote peaceful social interactions. This volume explores the forms that social recognition and its withholding may take in asymmetric armed conflicts. It discusses the short- and long-term risks and opportunities which arise when local, state and transnational actors recognise armed non-state actors (ANSAs), mis-recognise them or deny them recognition altogether.

The first part of the volume contextualises the politics of recognition in the case of ANSAs. It provides a historical overview of recognition regimes since the Second World War and their diverging impacts on ANSAs’ recognition claims. The second part is dedicated to original case studies, centring on specific conflict phases and covering ANSAs from all over the world. Some examine the politics of recognition during armed conflicts, others in conflict stalemates, and others still in mediation and peace processes. The third part of the volume discusses how the politics of recognition impacts practitioners’ engagement with conflict parties, gives an outlook on policies vis-à-vis ANSAs, and sketches trajectories for future research in the field.

The volume shows that, while non-recognition prevents conflict transformation, the recognition of armed non-state actors may produce counterproductive precedents and new modes of exclusion in intra-state and transnational politics.

Changing international organisation identities
Author: Susan Park

This book shows how environmentalists have shaped the world's largest multilateral development lender, investment financier and political risk insurer to take up sustainable development. It challenges an emerging consensus over international organisational change to argue that international organisations (IOs) are influenced by their social structure and may change their practices to reflect previously antithetical norms such as sustainable development. The text locates sources of organisational change with environmentalists, thus demonstrating the ways in which non-state actors can effect change within large intergovernmental organisations through socialisation. It combines an account of international organisational change with detailed empirical evidence of change in one issue area across three institutions.

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Transnational activism and state power in China
Author: Stephen Noakes

The tale of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) is typically one of non-state actors reshaping world politics through the power of persuasion and principled ideas. This book is about the unromantic and often uncomfortable realities of transnational advocacy in a strong authoritarian state and rising world power. Drawing together case studies that span a range of issues, repertoires, and results of advocacy, it elaborates the constitutive role of the state in contemporary transnational activism. Because transnational networks are significant globally and domestically, the book speaks to students of comparative and international politics, bridging what is treated here as a superficial divide between the sub-fields. It discusses the campaigns around justice for Falun Gong and the strengthening of intellectual property rights in China. The book then traces the campaign around HIV/AIDS treatment, and the effort to abolish capital punishment in China. In the campaign for Tibetan independence, Chinese intransigence on the matter of national sovereignty for Tibet produced a split within the TAN. The book argues that that TANs can be effective when a legitimacy-seeking state deems the adoption of new policy positions in a given issue area to be critical for the preservation of its own moral authority and power monopoly. The key to working more effectively in China, therefore, is to recognize the source of Chinese Communist Party legitimacy and the connectedness of an issue to it. Those wishing to approach China recognize and take seriously the Chinese power to shape global issues and campaigns in support of them.

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Susan Park

someone or something (the WBG).3 Often this work demonstrates antagonistic relations between non-state actors such as TEANs and development practitioners, and the Bank, culminating in a moral victory for NGOs (Fox and Brown 1998; Khagram 2004; Nelson 1995; Wade 1997). Alternatively, some argue that NGOs have been co-opted by the World Bank, thus undermining the ability of NGOs to green the organisation (Goldman 2005). The book compares how the World Bank, IFC and MIGA have responded to sustainable development norms espoused by TEANs. In doing so, the book differs from

in World Bank Group interactions with environmentalists
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Identity and socialisation
Susan Park

–borrower delegation chains). As with all other P–A model analyses, this overlooks the role of ideas in shaping the identity of the IO and diminishes the role of non-state actors in doing so. Theoretically, both neoliberals and P–A model advocates allow an independent role for ideas. Yet they continue to prioritise material over ideational structures: ‘they prefer to explain International Relations as simple behavioural responses to the forces of physics that act on material objects from the outside’ (Adler 1997: 321). Neoliberals add institutions as additional variables, thus

in World Bank Group interactions with environmentalists
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Lending, investing and guaranteeing sustainable development
Susan Park

nonstate actors. I pointed to the central role that non-state actors such as transnational environmental advocacy networks (TEANs) can play in influencing IOs by challenging their actions and 3402 World Bank Group:2634Prelims 238 12/11/09 14:56 Page 238 World Bank Group interactions with environmentalists providing alternative ways of understanding the world. This demonstrates that non-state actors can shape world politics through spreading norms that change how states view IO actions, and how IOs themselves understand how they should operationalise their mandates

in World Bank Group interactions with environmentalists
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Some moral aspects and variables
A. J. Coates

of force) and as a form of empowerment (by legitimizing or decriminalizing the ‘public’ use of force). How does the criterion bear upon the case of terrorism? To answer this question we first need to consider the status of non-­state actors as a whole. The role of non-­state actors in relation to the principle of legitimate authority is often misunderstood. Nicholas Fotion, for example, suggests that ‘[in] just war theory as it is classically understood . . . the legitimate authority principle seems to have no application when non-­nation groups (rebels, terrorists

in The ethics of war