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Games within games
Editor: J. Simon Rofe

The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of diplomacy and sport in global affairs from the perspective of practitioners and scholars. The book will make an important new contribution to at least two distinct fields: diplomacy and sport, as well as to those concerned with history, politics, sociology and international relations. The critical analysis the book provides explores the linkages across these fields, particularly in relation to soft power and public diplomacy, and is supported by a wide range of sources and methodologies. The book draws in a range of scholars across these different fields, and includes esteemed FIFA scholar Professor Alan Tomlinson. Tomlinson addresses diplomacy within the world’s global game of Association Football, while other subjects include the rise of mega-sport events as sites of diplomacy, new consideration of Chinese ping-pong diplomacy prior to the 1970s and the importance of boycotts in sport – particularly in relation to newly explored dimensions of the boycotts of the 1980 and 1984 Olympic Games. The place of non-state actors is explored throughout: be they individual or institutions they perform a crucial role as conduits of the transactions of sport and diplomacy. Based on twentieth- and twenty-first-century evidence, the book acknowledges antecedents from the ancient Olympics to the contemporary era, and in its conclusions offers avenues for further study based on the future sport and diplomacy relationship. The book has a strong international basis because it covers a broad range of countries, their diplomatic relationship with sport and is written by a truly transnational cast of authors. The intense media scrutiny of the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup and other international sports will also contribute to the global interest in this volume.

Individuals, institutions, ideologies
Alan Tomlinson

‘ordinary individual … increasingly visible’ in the practice of diplomacy.6 It serves to recognise citizens as ‘assertive participants in international politics’ and embraces an ‘explosive growth of non-state actors’.7 He adds that non-official players in the diplomacy game have proven to be swifter at mobilisation of support than the typically unwieldy foreign policy bureaucracy. In international sport, certainly, this was true, and the increased profile of non-state actors has owed much to the networks that have created and sustained international sporting encounters

in Sport and diplomacy
Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

approaches that claimed replicability and predictability. However, according to what is by now a familiar historiographical narrative, the dissolution of the USSR, the rising significance of non-state actors, and the broadening of the security agenda beyond state-centred militarism set the conditions for new understandings of security threats (Buzan et al., 1998 ; Buzan and Hansen, 2009 ). Since the end of

in Everyday security threats
Thomas Dublin

aware of the divergence between her conceptual analysis and recent history. In democratic states, leaders are accountable for acts of aggression committed under their leadership, she argues; non-state actors are not accountable to any constituency. Is her argument justified in the light of the American and British invasion of Iraq in 2003? The concept of accountability that she invokes has proven a thin reed that has done and is doing very little to constrain the actions of the American presidency. Consider for a moment the various sorts of accountability that

in ‘War on terror’
When the talking stops
Carole Gomez

targeting foreign countries or domestic audiences, forcing the target country or its leaders to discontinue certain actions in the future or compel a government to change or reverse existing policies’.15 This analysis is supported by the work of Barry Burciul, who considers the effort to change the behaviour of an entity as having ‘a symbolic importance and psychological impact’.16 Thus, by deciding to boycott an actor in global affairs, a state or non-state actor refuses to deal with it, to support it or to endorse its policies until the object of the boycott changes the

in Sport and diplomacy
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Heike Wieters

system” of humanitarian affairs. 6 In recent years, many scholars have suggested that we are witnessing a gradual “retreat of the state,” 7 or the evolution of new global modes of “governance without government” 8 in many sectors of society. The apparent evolution in the role of the state is often linked to the absolute increase in the number, size, and social impact of non-state actors since the 1920s on both national and

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80
Theorizing the fluid national and urban regimes of forced migration in Southeast Asia
Pei Palmgren

illegal, collaborations between state and non-state actors to facilitate movement of forced migrants out of the national territory. The section identifies two ways state authorities have accomplished these pushes: collusion with human smugglers to deflect boats or funnel passengers through shadow migration routes, and devolution of management to humanitarian actors working to resettle refugees to other countries. In 2009, news stories exposed the Thai Navy's “push back” policy of towing intercepted boats of smuggled Rohingya migrants back out to sea

in Displacement
Open Access (free)
Migration research and the media
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson, and Roiyah Saltus

official public and policy responses, which in turn undermine the sense of identity and security for migrant and racially minoritised communities (Philo et al., 2013 ). This interaction between inflammatory media coverage and punitive immigration policy can be understood as what Papadopoulos et al. term a ‘regime of mobility control’, which includes both state and non-state actors, and encompasses processes of observation and action ( 2008

in Go home?
Abstract only
The fightback
Sarah Fine

). Furthermore, it is not just other states that are drafted in to do the border dirty work. Countries also co-opt non-state actors, such as airlines and ferry operators, to manage their borders for them—threatening them with stiff penalties if they allow unauthorized travelers to use their services ( p. 35 ). This use of financial incentives and coordination with private companies “blurs the line between state and market,” illustrating yet another form assumed by the shifting border (hence the “Inc.” in my chapter’s title). Importantly, Shachar emphasizes throughout her

in The shifting border
Itinerant death at the Ground Zero Mosque and Bali bombsite
Charlotte Heath-Kelly

made on other places – causing bombsites to shrink. How should we consider this mobility and mutation? As I will explain in this chapter, it is the practice of security undertaken by non-state actors to mitigate the presence of mortality that sometimes causes the constitution of disaster space to shift. I will explore the contingency of post-terrorist space in this chapter

in Death and security