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Nigel D. White

briefing by her at the Security Council’s Open Debate on ‘Working Methods of the Security Council’ (UN Doc S/2014/725): ‘Enhancing Due Process in Sanctions Regimes’, UN Doc S/PV.7285 23 October 2014. 160 Cortright, López and Gerber-Stellingwerf n. 66 at 213. 161 Ibid. 219. 162 Ibid. 224. 163 UN Doc A/RES/60/1 (2005) para. 109. 164 UN Doc S/RES/1730 (2006). 165 UN Doc S/RES/1904 (2009). 166 UN Doc S/RES/1822 (2008). 167 Mulgan n. 63 at 334. 168 See N.D. White, ‘Sanctions Against Non-State Actors’ in N. Ronzitti (ed.), Coercive

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
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A ‘new humanitarianism’?
Silvia Salvatici

‘new wars’. 5 In this interpretation, the elements that characterised the ‘new wars’ also shaped the new forms of relief. The flare-ups of ethnic and intercommunal conflicts, the resort to violence by state and non-state actors, the emergence of a decentralised war economy, largely based on illicit trafficking and predatory practices: all of this generated the ‘complex emergencies’ that represented a new type of challenge for the humanitarian world. 6 Characterised by ‘extensive violence and loss of life; massive displacements of people; widespread damage to

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
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Nigel D. White

of the UN Charter, a provision that empowers the Security Council to adopt sanctions against states, although it has further developed this power to promulgate targeted sanctions against individuals and other non-state actors (NSAs). The move away from general sanctions against states, such as Rhodesia, Iraq, Serbia and Libya, is analysed, especially for their impact on the human rights of the population (for example the right to health). The applicability of human rights norms to the UN is discussed. The Security Council has, more recently, favoured targeted

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Colliding ambitions with China
Harsh V. Pant

threat from non-state actors has forced India to adopt a more proactive naval posture; and, a growing realization that China is rapidly expanding its influence in the Indian Ocean region, something that many in the Indian strategic community feel would be detrimental to Indian interests in the long term. Various terrorist organizations from Al Qaeda to Jemmah Islamiah use maritime routes around India in the Indian Ocean region for narcotics and arms trafficking through which they finance their operations. Indian intelligence agencies have warned the government that

in Indian foreign policy
A difficult partnership
Harsh V. Pant

institutions has emboldened non-state actors such as the radical Islamic groups that are attempting to make Bangladesh into another frontier in their global struggle against the 98 Indian foreign policy “infidels.”7 Religion has succeeded in so dominating political institutions that The Economist called the 2001 parliamentary elections in effect “a vote for Bin Laden,” given the overwhelming presence of Osama Bin Laden’s visage in campaign posters.8 By 2005 there were estimated to be around 50,000 Islamist militants belonging to more than forty groups controlling large

in Indian foreign policy
Stanley R. Sloan

proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction (WMD), as well as their means of delivery, by states and non-state actors continues to present a threat to our populations, territory, and forces. Cyber attacks can reach a threshold that threatens national and Euro-Atlantic prosperity, security, and stability. One particularly interesting aspect of the Wales inventory of “threats” was that the many paragraphs focused on Russia’s aggressions featured very few uses of the term. This may have reflected diplomatic restraint, revealing the reluctance

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Silvia Salvatici

: Macmillan, 1930), p. 4. 59 Davide Rodogno, ‘Non-state Actors’ Humanitarian Operations in the Aftermath of the First World War: The Case of the Near East Relief’, in F. Klose (ed.), The Emergence of Humanitarian Intervention: Ideas and Practice from the Nineteenth Century to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp. 185–207, at p. 191. 60 Ann Marie Wilson, ‘In the Name of God, Civilization, and Humanity: The United States and the Armenian Massacres of the 1890s’, Le Mouvement Social , 2 (2009), pp. 27–44. 61 Watenpaugh

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
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new tasks, new traumas
Stanley R. Sloan

decisions what it would do in response. The end of the Cold War, and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union, made a direct attack on a NATO country appear much less likely, but “threats” to security and territorial integrity subsequently emerged from a number of new sources, including non-state actors. In these circumstances, Article 4, which called for cooperation to deal with threats, not predicated on an attack having taken place, became more relevant. 13 North Atlantic Treaty, Articles 4 and 5 Article 4 The Parties will consult

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Thomas Dublin

aware of the divergence between her conceptual analysis and recent history. In democratic states, leaders are accountable for acts of aggression committed under their leadership, she argues; non-state actors are not accountable to any constituency. Is her argument justified in the light of the American and British invasion of Iraq in 2003? The concept of accountability that she invokes has proven a thin reed that has done and is doing very little to constrain the actions of the American presidency. Consider for a moment the various sorts of accountability that

in ‘War on terror’
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Prophet of Pan-African Integration
Afeikhena Jerome

poverty, according to World Bank sources. 11 Yet, not a single Western economist or Western researcher played an instrumental role in China’s economic reforms. 12 The objectives of development have broadened, from a narrow focus on per capita income growth, to include political empowerment, capabilities in the broadest sense, and even “happiness’’. The actors in the development discourse have changed too. Civil society organisations and other non-state actors are increasingly partnering with the state on poverty reduction, as developing

in The Pan-African Pantheon