briefing by her at the Security Council’s Open Debate on ‘Working Methods of the Security Council’ (UN Doc S/2014/725): ‘Enhancing Due Process in Sanctions Regimes’, UN Doc S/PV.7285 23 October 2014.
160 Cortright, López and Gerber-Stellingwerf n. 66 at 213.
161 Ibid. 219.
162 Ibid. 224.
163 UN Doc A/RES/60/1 (2005) para. 109.
164 UN Doc S/RES/1730 (2006).
165 UN Doc S/RES/1904 (2009).
166 UN Doc S/RES/1822 (2008).
167 Mulgan n. 63 at 334.
168 See N.D. White, ‘Sanctions Against Non-StateActors’ in N. Ronzitti (ed.), Coercive
‘new wars’. 5
In this interpretation, the elements that characterised the ‘new wars’ also shaped the new forms of relief. The flare-ups of ethnic and intercommunal conflicts, the resort to violence by state and non-stateactors, the emergence of a decentralised war economy, largely based on illicit trafficking and predatory practices: all of this generated the ‘complex emergencies’ that represented a new type of challenge for the humanitarian world. 6 Characterised by ‘extensive violence and loss of life; massive displacements of people; widespread damage to
of the UN Charter, a provision that empowers the Security Council to adopt sanctions against states, although it has further developed this power to promulgate targeted sanctions against individuals and other non-stateactors (NSAs). The move away from general sanctions against states, such as Rhodesia, Iraq, Serbia and Libya, is analysed, especially for their impact on the human rights of the population (for example the right to health). The applicability of human rights norms to the UN is discussed. The Security Council has, more recently, favoured targeted
threat from non-stateactors has forced India to
adopt a more proactive naval posture; and, a growing realization that
China is rapidly expanding its influence in the Indian Ocean region, something that many in the Indian strategic community feel would be detrimental to Indian interests in the long term. Various terrorist organizations
from Al Qaeda to Jemmah Islamiah use maritime routes around India in
the Indian Ocean region for narcotics and arms trafficking through which
they finance their operations. Indian intelligence agencies have warned
the government that
institutions has emboldened
non-stateactors such as the radical Islamic groups that are attempting to
make Bangladesh into another frontier in their global struggle against the
Indian foreign policy
“infidels.”7 Religion has succeeded in so dominating political institutions
that The Economist called the 2001 parliamentary elections in effect “a vote
for Bin Laden,” given the overwhelming presence of Osama Bin Laden’s
visage in campaign posters.8 By 2005 there were estimated to be around
50,000 Islamist militants belonging to more than forty groups controlling
proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction (WMD), as well as their means of delivery, by states and non-stateactors continues to present a threat to our populations, territory, and forces.
Cyber attacks can reach a threshold that threatens national and Euro-Atlantic prosperity, security, and stability.
One particularly interesting aspect of the Wales inventory of “threats” was that the many paragraphs focused on Russia’s aggressions featured very few uses of the term. This may have reflected diplomatic restraint, revealing the reluctance
: Macmillan, 1930), p. 4.
59 Davide Rodogno, ‘Non-stateActors’ Humanitarian Operations in the Aftermath of the First World War: The Case of the Near East Relief’, in F. Klose (ed.), The Emergence of Humanitarian Intervention: Ideas and Practice from the Nineteenth Century to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp. 185–207, at p. 191.
60 Ann Marie Wilson, ‘In the Name of God, Civilization, and Humanity: The United States and the Armenian Massacres of the 1890s’, Le Mouvement Social , 2 (2009), pp. 27–44.
decisions what it would do in response.
The end of the Cold War, and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union, made a direct attack on a NATO country appear much less likely, but “threats” to security and territorial integrity subsequently emerged from a number of new sources, including non-stateactors. In these circumstances, Article 4, which called for cooperation to deal with threats, not predicated on an attack having taken place, became more relevant. 13
North Atlantic Treaty, Articles 4 and 5
The Parties will consult
aware of the divergence between her conceptual analysis and recent history. In democratic states, leaders are accountable for acts of aggression committed under their leadership, she argues; non-stateactors are not accountable to any constituency. Is her argument justified in the light of the American and British invasion of Iraq in 2003? The concept of accountability that she invokes has proven a thin reed that has done and is doing very little to constrain the actions of the American presidency.
Consider for a moment the various sorts of accountability that
poverty, according to World Bank sources. 11 Yet, not a single Western economist or Western researcher played an instrumental role in China’s economic reforms. 12
The objectives of development have broadened, from a narrow focus on per capita income growth, to include political empowerment, capabilities in the broadest sense, and even “happiness’’. The actors in the development discourse have changed too. Civil society organisations and other non-stateactors are increasingly partnering with the state on poverty reduction, as developing