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Anne Marie Losonczy

Since the early 1990s, armed actors have invaded territories in the Chocó and Antioquia departments of Colombia, inhabited by Afro-Colombians and Indians whose collective rights in these territories had recently been legally recognised. Based on long-term fieldwork among the Emberá Katío, this article examines social, cosmological and ritual alterations and re-organisation around violent death. Following a national policy of post-conflict reparations, public exhumations and identifications of human remains reveal new local modes of understanding and administration. In particular, suicide, hitherto completely unknown to the Emberá, broke out in a multitude of cases, mostly among the youth. Local discourse attributes this phenomenon to the number of stray corpses resulting from the violence, who are transformed into murderous spirits which shamans can no longer control. The analysis focusses on the unprecedented articulation of a renewed eschatology, the intricate effects of an internal political reorganisation and the simultaneous inroad into their space of new forms of armed insurrectional violence. Thus the article will shed light on the emergence of a new transitional moral economy of death among the Emberá.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
An overview
Verene A. Shepherd

Africans who died before embarkation. 223 reparations , restitution and the historian In spite of the extensive supply area, discernible patterns emerge. The majority of enslaved Africans were captured from the Gold Coast (part of modern-day Ghana) and the Bight of Biafra in present-day Nigeria. Throughout the first half of the eighteenth century, the shipment to Jamaica of Gold Coast Africans rose sharply, compared to shipments from the other catchment regions, but declined somewhat after 1776. This decline is a reflection of a 9% decline in total exports of enslaved

in Emancipation and the remaking of the British imperial world

Slavery and the slavery business have cast a long shadow over British history. In 1833, abolition was heralded as evidence of Britain's claim to be themodern global power, its commitment to representative government in Britain, free labour, the rule of law, and a benevolent imperial mission all aspects of a national identity rooted in notions of freedom and liberty. Yet much is still unknown about the significance of the slavery, slave-ownership and emancipation in the formation of modern imperial Britain. This essays in this book explore fundamental issues including the economic impact of slavery and slave-ownership, the varied forms of labour deployed in the imperial world, including hired slaves and indentured labourers, the development of the C19th imperial state, slavery and public and family history, and contemporary debates about reparations. The contributors, drawn from Britain, the Caribbean and Mauritius, include some of the most distinguished writers in the field: Clare Anderson, Robin Blackburn, Heather Cateau, Mary Chamberlain, Chris Evans, Pat Hudson, Richard Huzzey, Zoë Laidlaw, Alison Light, Anita Rupprecht, Verene A. Shepherd, Andrea Stuart and Vijaya Teelock. The impact of slavery and slave-ownership is once again becoming a major area of historical and contemporary concern: this book makes a vital contribution to the subject.

‘Eyewash’, ‘storm in a teacup’ or promise of a new future for Mauritians?
Vijayalakshmi Teelock

12 The Mauritius Truth and Justice Commission: ‘eyewash’, ‘storm in a teacup’ or promise of a new future for Mauritians? Vijayalakshmi Teelock The Neale conference panel ‘Reparations, restitution and the historian’, at which this paper was originally presented, attempted to address issues that have long plagued independent states that were formerly colonial plantation and slave societies. This was a laudable initiative, given that slavery and its legacies continue to haunt these societies in so many ways, with calls for reparations growing louder day by day. As

in Emancipation and the remaking of the British imperial world
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Catherine Hall, Nicholas Draper, and Keith McClelland

final set of issues that we were determined to address was the vexed question of reparations. How can the destruction of the slave trade and slavery ever be repaired? What responsibility does Britain have and what are the implications of this? From the beginning of our work on the compensation records it was clear that the research had implications for these debates. Critics challenged our focus on the individuals who were compensated, arguing that this took attention away from the state. In providing a solid empirical account of who got the money, we argue that we

in Emancipation and the remaking of the British imperial world
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Philip M. Taylor

was to pay her reparations and Britain her war-debts. The ‘same old Hun’ was, however, a resilient popular theme, the legacy of which was not even removed by the appeasement of the 1930s. Munitions_06_Chap20-21 194 4/11/03, 10:52 195 The First World War The wartime propaganda experience had four further consequences that were to prove just as damaging to future peace. The first has already been discussed – namely, the use to which the likes of Adolf Hitler manipulated the alleged role of propaganda in wartime to serve their own political purposes. Less well

in Munitions of the Mind
Open Access (free)
Europe’s ‘zero hour’
Kjell M. Torbiörn

among leaders and rulers – paramount among them the foolhardy bellicosity of the German Kaiser Wilhelm II – was all that was needed to provoke war in 1914. It was a European, and worldwide, conflict that was effectively to last for thirty years, albeit with a hiatus from 1919 to 1939. The inter-war period, with its heavy war reparations exacted especially on Germany, was characterised by a retreat from the much more benign climate for trade, investment abroad and freedom of travel that had characterised a pre-World War I era of ‘Victorian capitalism’ and stable

in Destination Europe
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Author: John Potvin

Richly illustrated with over 110 colour and black and white images, the book productively contests the supposedly exclusive feminine aspect of the style moderne (art deco). It explores how alternative, parallel and overlapping experiences and expressions of decorative modernism, nationalism, gender and sexuality in the heady years surrounding World War I converge in the protean figure of the deco dandy. As such, the book significantly departs from and corrects the assumptions and biases that have dominated scholarship on and popular perceptions of art deco. The book outlines how designed products and representations of and for the dandy both existed within and outwith normative expectations of gender and sexuality complicating men’s relationship to consumer culture more broadly and the moderne more specifically. Through a sustained focus on the figure of the dandy, the book offers a broader view of art deco by claiming a greater place for the male body and masculinity in this history than has been given to date. The mass appeal of the dandy in the 1920s was a way to redeploy an iconic, popular and well-known typology as a means to stimulate national industries, to engender a desire for all things made in France. Important, essential and productive moments in the history of the cultural life of Paris presented in the book are instructive of the changing role performed by consumerism, masculinity, design history and national identity.

Abstract only
David Brown

been based on mutual dependence. All trusted and rewarded him, even if this trust was not always reciprocated. Thomson embraced the availability of English and Irish unfree labour, and then African slavery, with unparalleled enthusiasm for his time and these contributed significantly to his wealth. His many roles in state finance yielded him enormous riches, often at the expense of the state or its enemies. Maurice Thomson, despite his Dutch connections, had no difficulty in promoting a war with Protestant Holland in 1652. Prizes and reparations took priority over

in Empire and enterprise
Chris Millington

rather than invasion and the country’s armies and territory remained intact. This period of uncertainty came to an end only with the conclusion of the Treaty of Versailles on 28 June 1919. With much of the French population unable to forgive their neighbours across the Rhine, a harsh treaty was preferable to rapprochement. Despite the severe terms of the peace, which required 132 billion marks in reparations payments, Germany still appeared threatening. Its industrial potential remained great while France’s richest industrial areas had been devastated. The German

in From victory to Vichy