Search results

Sophie Roborgh

2286 mention ‘[p]roviding reparations and assistance to victims and restoring essential services’ only as their final point ( UN Secretary-General, 2016 : 10, Recommendation 13). It also overlooks the fact that incident accounts have value in themselves for those providing them. Currently, contributors’ accounts can be excluded for failing to meet the (externally imposed) threshold, even though it is concern for the lives of these same healthcare workers and the broader

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Global Africa, Reparations, and the End of Pan-Africanism
Hilary Beckles

vocal and sometimes vociferous. Reparations would, however, turn out to be the key that slammed African doors in the face of the diaspora. The “West” – the United States, Canada and Western Europe – stood in solidarity with each other. Africa broke with its own diaspora, joined with the former enslavers and colonisers, sending shivers down the spines of Pan-African soldiers and scholars. Thus was shattered the Pan-African solidarity that had so painstakingly been constructed over half a millennium. One by one, African leaders told the

in The Pan-African Pantheon
Editor: Adekeye Adebajo

This collection of lively biographical essays examines historical and contemporary Pan-Africanism as an ideology of emancipation and unity. The volume covers thirty-six major figures, including well-known Pan-Africanists such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Amy Ashwood Garvey, C.L.R. James, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Frantz Fanon, Steve Biko, and Thabo Mbeki, as well as popular figures not typically identified with mainstream Pan-Africanism such as Maya Angelou, Mariama Bâ, Buchi Emecheta, Miriam Makeba, Ruth First, Wangari Maathai, Wole Soyinka, Derek Walcott, V.Y. Mudimbe, Léopold Senghor, Malcolm X, Bob Marley, and Fela Anikulapo-Kuti. The book explores the history and pioneers of the movement; the quest for reparations; politicians; poets; activists; as well as Pan-Africanism in the social sciences, philosophy, literature, and its musical activists. With contributions from a diverse and prominent group of African, Caribbean, and African-American scholars, The Pan-African Pantheon is a comprehensive and diverse introductory reader for specialists and general readers alike.

The key to autonomy
Nigel D. White

subjects – states. In 1945, such an idea was still a radical one given the domination of international relations by states hitherto. This explains why the UN Charter was silent on the matter of international legal personality (although it granted the UN legal capacity in national legal orders). However, by 1949, the matter was settled in favour of the UN having international legal personality with the concomitant right to bring claims against states following the ICJ’s advisory opinion in the Reparations case (see Case Study 7). That ICJ opinion, however, is just the

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
Abstract only
Pan-African Politician and Diplomat
W. Andy Knight

accreditation to Ghana, Sierra Leone, Cameroon and Namibia. 13 His fight for social justice and human rights had already earned him the nickname “Burning Spear”, a sobriquet given to him by Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta. But as his diplomatic career blossomed, Thompson became an advocate for reparations for slavery, and cemented his place at the centre of the Pan-African movement. As the editor-at-large of the Jamaica Observer , H.G. Helps, put it, Thompson’s dream was to see “a federation or confederation of Africa”. Thompson himself expressed this hope, suggesting that there

in The Pan-African Pantheon
The 2008 Italy–Libya Friendship Treaty and thereassembling of Fortress Europe
Chiara De Cesari

, and is said, on the day of the agreement, to have bowed before Al-Muktar’s son, expressing ‘in the name of the Italian people, … apologies for the deep wounds’ caused to the Libyans (Di Caro 2008). Yet the Treaty stipulates reparations for abuses that are never explicitly mentioned. Several commentators, including the most important historian of Italian colonialism, were quick to emphasize this aspect, namely the lack of history and memory (Del Boca, 2009). Following the preamble, the text of the Treaty consists of three parts: first, the general principles

in The political materialities of borders
Reflections on the politics of support and opposition
Michael Cunningham

for redress as a collective and thus reduce the group’s claims for reparation which she believes is an unreasonable burden on the American taxpayer. Citizen B supports the apology because he believes that the granting of the apology as an acknowledgement of the past injustice of slavery will help to underpin the case for reparations which are needed as a material response to past injustice. Citizen C opposes the apology because it will be used by others or the government to deflect from the need to pay reparations. Citizen D opposes the apology because current

in States of apology
Rhiannon Vickers

10/15/03 2:10 PM Page 83 THE LABOUR MINORITY GOVERNMENTS 83 the Government of the day. This one brought greater benefits to the Opposition. MacDonald knew more about foreign affairs than Bonar Law or Baldwin, and spoke on them with greater authority.’12 MacDonald linked the economic conditions at home with the crisis abroad, arguing that ‘the unemployment problem at home could not be resolved until Europe had been pacified and the reparations issue resolved.’13 The 1922 Labour Party manifesto had called for revisions of the Peace Treaties, with German

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Abstract only
From the Twin Plagues of European Locusts to Africa’s Triple Quest for Emancipation
Adekeye Adebajo

stresses the importance of African agency, and views history from a Pan-African perspective. The focus on slavery and colonialism in this Introduction is to provide a necessary historical background for undergraduate and graduate students often lacking in such knowledge, and to underline the fact that Pan-Africanism was a reaction to, and outcome of, both slavery and colonialism. The struggle for reparations addressed near the end of the Introduction flows logically from this history of Pan-African emancipation, and the issue of reparations has become one of the major

in The Pan-African Pantheon
Helen Thompson

, among other things, be financially in our hands’.2 For the former Central powers there was no escape. Either they did what was necessary to secure American credit, or they would have to make huge domestic sacrifices to finance reparations. The Allied powers could only hope to escape de facto surveillance of their domestic politics if they procured substantial reparations from Germany, which the United States was unwilling to help in abetting either by direct action or offering Germany credit. In 1919, even before the American Senate had jettisoned the League of

in Might, right, prosperity and consent