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Janet L. Nelson

council, and, despite earlier sympathy for Gottschalk, he went along with the official line, which was Hincmar’s line. Thereafter, Prudentius increasingly distanced himself from the king: a fact that emerges clearly from the critical remarks about Charles in a continuation of the Royal Frankish Annals , the so-called Annals of St-Bertin , written by Prudentius, first as a palace cleric, then as bishop of Troyes, between 835 and 861. Hincmar, after the 849 council, wrote a short diocesan letter, known now as Ad reclusos et simplices

in Hincmar of Rheims
Pauline Stafford

’s ascent to the Frankish throne in the context of a failing Merovingian kingship, which was effectively defunct by the time the Merovingians were ousted by the Carolingians in 751. As reported by the Continuations of Fredegar , it was the pope who advised Charles Martel’s son Pippin to take the throne for himself. Later, in the Royal Frankish Annals , it would be spelled out that the pope thought that it was morally right that there should be a change of dynasty, for strong kings would better protect the Christian people than puppets, however venerable. 15 The picture

in Law, laity and solidarities
The English connection
Paul Fouracre

been taken in the first Continuation of the Chronicle of Fredegar which copied the Liber but cut out the praise for Childebert. 48 The image of weak Merovingians and vigorously powerful Carolingians is further articulated in the Royal Frankish Annals , and then it is given the flesh of historical detail in the Annales Mettenses Priores . The image culminates in the famous opening chapter of Einhard’s Vita

in Frankland
Rachel Stone

inspirational message of heroism, loyalty and love. 26 As Roberta Frank noted, 27 one of the few other examples of a refusal to outlive one’s lord comes from a Carolingian source. The original version of the Royal Frankish Annals for 782 reports a successful battle in the Süntel Mountains. The revised version describes a Frankish defeat, due to a premature and badly planned attack. Although some of the Franks

in Frankland
Philippe Depreux

in a collective act of contrition.12 The account in the Royal Frankish Annals is circumstantial: After receiving the advice of his bishops and nobles, the lord emperor was reconciled with those brothers whom he had ordered, against their will, to be tonsured. And because of this deed and others – that is, what was done against Bernard, the son of his brother Pepin, and what was done against Abbot Adalhard and his brother Wala – he made a public confession and performed penance [publicam confessionem fecit et paenitentiam egit]. He carried this out in the presence

in Religious Franks
Maximilian Diesenberger

Hildeprand had started to date the charters according to Charlemagne’s regnal years in order to display his loyalty to the Carolingian king. In 779 the duke travelled to France and lavishly offered the Frankish king presents in the royal villa of Verzenay (close to Reims).35 This is one of only three references to gifts in the Royal Frankish Annals, which generally seem to neglect the everyday phenomenon of gift exchange in early medieval society. It was mentioned at this point of the annals’ narrative because Hildeprand’s presents testified to Charlemagne’s strengthened

in Religious Franks
The making and unmaking of an early medieval relic
Julia M. H. Smith

apart again over the centuries, specialists are of the opinion that they are likely to be of eighth- or ninth-century European origin. The reliquary displays them as the ‘sandals of Christ’, and presents them flanked by images of Pippinus rex and Zacharias papa worked in mock-Carolingian enamel and goldwork.1 Why is this footwear preserved, relic-like, in a liturgical space? Why at Prüm? What connection might King Pippin have had with the ‘sandals of Christ’? Why do the sandals link the first Carolingian king with the pope who, according to the Royal Frankish Annals

in Religious Franks