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Encounters with biosocial power
Author: Kevin Ryan

Refiguring childhood stages a series of encounters with biosocial power, which is a specific zone of intensity within the more encompassing arena of biopower and biopolitics. Assembled at the intersection of thought and practice, biosocial power attempts to bring envisioned futures into the present, taking hold of life in the form of childhood, thereby bridging being and becoming while also shaping the power relations that encapsulate the social and cultural world(s) of adults and children. Taking up a critical perspective which is attentive to the contingency of childhoods – the ways in which particular childhoods are constituted and configured – the method used in the book is a transversal genealogy that moves between past and present while also crossing a series of discourses and practices framed by children’s rights (the right to play), citizenship, health, disadvantage and entrepreneurship education. The overarching analysis converges on contemporary neoliberal enterprise culture, which is approached as a conjuncture that helps to explain, and also to trouble, the growing emphasis on the agency and rights of children. It is against the backdrop of this problematic that the book makes its case for refiguring childhood. Focusing on the how, where and when of biosocial power, Refiguring childhood will appeal to researchers and students interested in examining the relationship between power and childhood through the lens of social and political theory, sociology, cultural studies, history and geography.

Community engagement and lifelong learning
Author: Peter Mayo

In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.

Loïc Wacquant

public goods and the rise of underpaid, insecure work against the backdrop of working poverty in the United States and enduring mass joblessness in the European Union; the unravelling of social protection schemes, leading to the replacement of the collective right to recourse against unemployment and destitution by the individual obligation to take up gainful activity (‘workfare’ in the US and the UK, ALE jobs in Belgium, PARE and RMA in France, the Hartz reform in Germany, etc.), in order to impose desocialised wage labour as the normal horizon of work for the new

in Incarceration and human rights
Open Access (free)
Welfare reform and the ‘Third Way’ politics of New Labour and the New Democrats
Stephen Driver

commitments to social justice, because labour force attachment strategies reinforce labour market divisions, especially for the low-paid. 20 In the UK, the USA and elsewhere, the ‘welfare state’ is giving way to the ‘workfare state’. Any possibility of the Labour Government delivering on the traditional objectives of the Left has been lost. Is ‘work first’ making it

in The Third Way and beyond
Abstract only
Melissa McCarthy

appreciation of the symbolic power that prisons communicate. Looking first at the USA and then at the Western European countries that follow its ‘politics of poverty’, Wacquant describes the penal system and the workfare state (no longer welfare) as intermeshed, both of them working to control and tame populations – women, ethnic minorities, immigrants – that had threatened disruption. Ian Loader responds to Wacquant by seeing whether, despite the grip of neoliberal penality, there might be routes out of this morass. One grappling hook for dealing with the issue, for Loader

in Incarceration and human rights
Abstract only
Jenny Andersson

. 2 Today, Swedish social democracy is again stressing its idea of a strong relationship between growth and security as a mark of distinction between the Swedish folkhem -model and other models in the debate on the future of the European social model, and against US-style workfare capitalism. Others are looking to this Swedish idea, too. The Lisbon strategy, which Swedish social democracy put a lot

in Between growth and security
Armando Barrientos and Martin Powell

. In conclusion, Green-Pedersen et al . 89 stated that the policy elements in the Netherlands closely match those outlined in the Blair–Schröder document. To some extent, the Netherlands has been practising the ‘Third Way’ for some years. Finally, Sweden has long been at the forefront of left-of-centre thinking in labour market policy: ‘workfare

in The Third Way and beyond
Chris Armstrong

, as Dworkin (2000: 440) argues, we cannot interfere with the personal freedoms of the rich merely in the interests of relative equality. Unfortunately, the same courtesy is not extended to the poor – as with New Labour, Arneson and Dworkin appear prepared to countenance coercive measures for those who make poorly thought-out or ‘imprudent’ decisions. The last chapter detailed Dworkin’s neo-paternalist injunctions on workfare policy, but it is not only Dworkin who is willing to defend compulsory welfare-to-work schemes, for instance. Richard Arneson is even more

in Rethinking Equality
Dimitris Tsarouhas

employment constituted the main campaign issue was unable to avert defeat, handing over power to a resurgent centre-right coalition, the ‘Alliance for Sweden’. The new government was soon marred by controversy, and the initial honeymoon usually afforded by voters to incumbent governments vanished. The government’s main problem has been its welfare reform programme, not least its changes in the unemployment insurance scheme. Adopting a workfare approach to welfare and claiming to defend the welfare state, the government maintains that its reforms merely aim at making

in In search of social democracy
Edward Ashbee

reform, the Clinton administration embraced the cause of the balanced budget and then in 1996 the president signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act that dramatically restricted and restructured welfare provision. The Act was based around time limits on assistance whereby benefits were withdrawn after two years and a lifetime limit of five years was imposed on benefits funded by the federal government. Many states introduced workfare provisions so that those receiving assistance had either to work or to undertake prescribed training programmes

in The Right and the recession