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Author: Paul Blackledge

The recent emergence of global anti-capitalist and anti-war movements have created a space within which Marxism can flourish in a way as it has not been able to for a generation. This book shows that by disassociating Marxism from the legacy of Stalinism, Marxist historiography need not retreat before the criticisms from theorists and historians. It also shows that, once rid of this incubus, Marx's theory of history can be shown to be sophisticated, powerful and vibrant. The book argues that Marxism offers a unique basis to carry out a historical research, one that differentiates it from the twin failures of the traditional empiricist and the post-modernist approaches to historiography. It outlines Marx and Engels' theory of history and some of their attempts to actualise that approach in their historical studies. The book also offers a critical survey of debates on the application of Marx's concepts of 'mode of production' and 'relations of production' in an attempt to periodise history. Marxist debates on the perennial issue of structure and agency are considered in the book. Finally, the book discusses competing Marxist attempts to periodise the contemporary post-modern conjuncture, paying attention to the suggestion that the post-modern world is one that is characterised by the defeat of the socialist alternative to capitalism.

Religion against the South African War
Greg Cuthbertson

religion back on the imperial map. She is, however, too concerned with Quakerism itself and only hints at the intersection between Quaker and Christian socialist political philosophy in 1900. She also exaggerates the role of Friends in the anti-war movement, at the expense of non-conformist – particularly Baptist and Unitarian – socialists. 11 The failure of the

in The South African War reappraised
At war in Vietnam
Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby

their own government, and even argued that this was a ‘higher form of patriotism’.70 ‘Freely operating exchanges of scholars’ Professor of Political Science Henry Albinski (US Senior Scholar 1974) pointed out in his book on the impact of the war in Vietnam on Australian politics and foreign policy, that the Australian anti-​war movement ‘absorbed a disproportionately high number of 123 At war in Vietnam 123 educated and professional people … academic persons, members of the artistic community, and university students’.71 Members of this group, of course, were the

in Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies
Academic ambassadors interpret ‘mutual understanding’
Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby

The Vietnam War posed significant challenges to academics on educational exchange who were expected under the Fulbright Program to be ambassadors as well as researchers. The CIA surveillance of the anti-war movement and political interference in the administration of the Fulbright Program from government caused academics in both Australia and America to defend the autonomy of the program. How did scholars interpret the ambassadorial expectation when they were opposed to their government’s foreign policy? Many also found they could not speak critically of their national government without antagonising their hosts. Living up to the Fulbright Program’s ideal of achieving ‘mutual understanding’ was very much a matter of learning by experience, to be interpreted by scholars for whom research was actually the priority.

in Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies
Ann Sherif

Hiroshima, usually crowded with anti-nuclear and hibakusha groups? What objectives, ideas and language did these disparate groups share? Were the encounters solely focused on the way of abolishing violence and war itself? Or were there other pressing Cold War issues that could serve as common ground among hibakusha and other Hiroshima activists and the visitors from afar? This chapter proposes ways to understand the anti-nuclear movement and the anti-war movement of the 1960s as part of related currents in Cold War discourse, by revealing the ideas and rhetoric that

in Understanding the imaginary war
Abstract only
Grace Huxford

spheres during the war. The national service army of ‘citizen-​soldiers’ and the recent memory of the Second World War, as well as more practical issues such as regular postal contact, break down the idea of separate ‘fronts’ in the social history of war. Elsewhere, the wartime history of the Daily Worker also illustrates this cross-​pollination: criticised by domestic commentators, the newspaper was nevertheless widely read by British POWs and their families and was a crucial component in the anti-​war movement. The social and cultural impact of modern warfare often

in The Korean War in Britain
Marxism and post-modernity
Paul Blackledge

eschews ‘traditional forms of labour organisation’, and that the mass international anti-war movement realised in the demonstrations of 15 February 2003 ‘is a force to be contended with’.41 If Harvey therefore attempts to muster an ‘optimism of the will’ against the pessimistic conclusions implied by his intellectual analysis of the deep economic causes of the decline of the left, other Marxists have stressed the economic continuity between the modern and the post-modern conjunctures. For instance, Terry Eagleton locates the roots of post-modernism in the experience of

in Reflections on the Marxist theory of history
Heloise Brown

Britain as a conflict with a white, Christian and quasi-European population. The war was one-sided, although the Afrikaners’ initial numerical superiority, combined with their familiarity with the geography and climate, meant that it was a long drawn-out conflict that concluded with a protracted period of guerrilla warfare. It was the tactics utilised in the final stages of the war, from December 1900, that received the greatest criticism from the British anti-war movement. Kitchener’s policies of farm-burning and internment of Afrikaner women and children in

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Abstract only
James McDermott

Community of Resistance: The Anti-War Movement in Huddersfield, 1914–1918’; Slocombe, ‘Recruitment into the Armed Forces during the First World War: The Work of the Military Service Tribunals in Wiltshire, 1915–1918’; Spinks, ‘“The War Courts”: the Stratford-upon-Avon Borough Tribunal 1916–1918’; Gregory, ‘Military Service Tribunals: Civil Society in Action, 1916–1918’; Housden, ‘Kingston’s Military Tribunal, 1916–1918’. Memoirs: Armitage, Leicester 1914–1918: The War-time Story of a Midlands Town; Cartmell, For Remembrance; Scott, Leeds and the Great War. The only modern

in British Military Service Tribunals, 1916–1918
Abstract only
Matthew S. Adams and Ruth Kinna

, civil rights and personal liberation emerged and was crystallised during the First World War, when anarchism was apparently obsolete. While Ferguson and Antliff show how the anti-war movement drew attention to the gendered character of state oppression and provided a platform for artists to aestheticise violence in ways that emphasised anarchism’s 16 Anarchism, 1914–18 creative energy, Adams examines how the memory of the war was felt in new drives towards social activism and change. These changes in anarchist politics resonated across radical movements. C

in Anarchism, 1914–18