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British news media, war and theory in the 2003 invasion of Iraq

This book analyses British news media coverage of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. It describes the analytical framework that serves as the basis for theoretically informed and systematic analysis of wartime media performance. The book synthesises a range of models, hypotheses and explanatory variables to set out a framework composed of three models of news media performance: the elite-driven model, the independent model and the oppositional model. It provides three case studies which, in different ways, illuminate each model of news media performance in wartime. The three case studies include the case of Jessica Lynch, the case of Ali Abbas and the case of the anti-war movement. The book then presents an account of how the relationship between foreign policy, news media and war might be expected to operate, based on current theoretical understanding. In order to place British coverage of the invasion in context, the book offers brief summaries of the structure and character of Britain's television news services and its press. The book provides an analysis of the ways in which the news media's visual depictions of the war reinforced supportive coverage. It is devoted to documenting and analysing evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage. The book also examines the representation of civilian casualties, military casualties and humanitarian operations across both television and press, three subject areas that generated a good deal of media criticism.

Jessica Lynch, Ali Abbas and the anti- war movement
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor

7 Case studies from the invasion of Iraq: Jessica Lynch, Ali Abbas and the anti-war movement Introduction Here we provide a focused analysis of three case studies, which serve to represent the three differing modes of news media performance in wartime, as well as shedding more light on the news-making process. The Jessica Lynch case study, involving the ‘dramatic’ rescue of a US ‘prisoner of war’, highlights just how compliant and deferential news media can be in wartime and can be viewed as an ‘ideal type’ example of supportive coverage. The case of Ali Abbas

in Pockets of resistance
Editors: Lucy Bland and Richard Carr

This volume offers a series of new essays on the British left – broadly interpreted – during the First World War. Dealing with grassroots case studies of unionism from Bristol to the North East of England, and of high politics in Westminster, these essays probe what changed, and what remained more or less static, in terms of labour relations. For those interested in class, gender, and parliamentary politics or the interplay of ideas between Britain and places such as America, Ireland and Russia, this work has much to offer. From Charlie Chaplin to Ellen Wilkinson, this work paints a broad canvass of British radicalism during the Great War.

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Reflections on the work of Norman Geras
Terry Glavin

outside. It would not be fair to single out Chomsky as the sole culprit for the indecencies that would characterise the so-called ‘anti-warmovement in the years that followed: its open alliances with Khomeinist thugs, its Gaza flotilla escapades, its fundraising for Hamas, its serial betrayal of Afghan secularists and feminists and its rousing chorus of ‘we had it coming’ every time a psychopath shouted Allahu Akbar and went on a killing spree in London or Ottawa or Paris. But it is fair to notice that Chomsky would end up getting exactly what he wanted. Geras and

in The Norman Geras Reader
The case of the Socialist Workers’ Party
Craig Berry

on Terror’ by the United States and its allies, and the emergence of a perceived new threat to the security of liberal democracies in the West in the form of Islamic fundamentalism. Also, the launch of the DDA by the WTO in November 2001 co-opted many of the anti-capitalist movement’s members with the promise of delivering real benefits to poor countries. The SWP’s focus turned to opposing the invasion of Afghanistan, having been instrumental in the formation of the Stop the War Coalition (StWC) ten days after the 9/11 attacks. The anti-war movement ultimately

in Globalisation and ideology in Britain
A lost cause?
Ashley Lavelle

was the role of organised labour, which the new left has (often unfairly, according to Levy (1994)) been criticised for ignoring – or even worse affronting – with some of its behaviour. More specifically, the former Weatherman Mark Rudd controversially argued that the dissolution of SDS and the emergence of his militant organisation were major mistakes that led not only to the deaths of three of his comrades,1 but also to the winding up of the anti-war movement just when the conflict was raging: ultra-militancy produced only isolation and defeat (cited in Hoffman

in The politics of betrayal
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Daniel Conway

1994: When I came out [of prison] I went to Lusaka to meet the ANC, which was quite freaky because it was us from the anti-war movement and some soldiers and then the ANC. The ANC and the soldiers got on like a house on fire and in fact us anti-militants were almost the enemy. They really got along and they couldn’t understand us … They were all soldiers, they had all the same toys they were paging through the journals about military gear. You saw that there was a lot more commonality than you really thought and the commonality was between the soldiers on the two

in Masculinities, militarisation and the End Conscription Campaign
The roots of 1960s activism and the making of the British left
Celia Hughes

was one of a small cohort of young people whose political activity around Britain’s anti-war movement, the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC), resulted from involvement with social and political subcultures encountered earlier in the decade when boundaries between left groups were fluid and in the process of transition. In June 1966, individuals around the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation and the International Marxist Group (IMG) founded the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC) as a national coordinating committee for Britain’s anti-war movement. By the time of its

in Against the grain
The political history of two principal trends in British Trotskyism, 1945–2009
Phil Burton-Cartledge

to building monolithic democratic centralist parties. For Birchall it meant IS could advantageously work in the ‘broader movement’, but a comparative lack of discipline meant it lacked focus.14 But in 1968 the group’s independent work perspective changed. The radicalisation associated with the Vietnam anti-war movement, student militancy, French May events and the Prague Spring seemingly broke the political deadlock around independent party building. The IS decamped from Labour. It appealed for unity with other revolutionaries and was largely ignored, attracting

in Against the grain
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Nadia Kiwan

London during the summer of 2006, these individuals often argued that their main or initial motivation for getting involved in politics was their selfperception as ‘Muslim’ and their identification with Muslims around the world. In this sense, it is the foreign policy of the New Labour government with regard to Iraq and Afghanistan which is cited as the key instigating factor in their decision to engage in the public sphere: I was involved with Respect through the anti-war movement initially and that was initially Afghanistan. I remember my first Stop the War march

in Identities, discourses and experiences