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From the 1960s to the 1990s
Nizan Shaked

, or when referring to both.3 Within this expanding chronicle characteristic trajectories have gradually been defined from broader methodological and geographical perspectives.4 This chapter shows how, in the United States’ context, some of the most important strategies of conceptualism developed through the influence of contemporaneous politics, more specifically the transition from Civil Rights into Black Power, the New Left, the anti-war movement, feminism, and gay liberation, as well as what later came to be 1 28 The synthetic proposition collectively named

in The synthetic proposition
Abstract only
Reflections on the work of Norman Geras
Terry Glavin

outside. It would not be fair to single out Chomsky as the sole culprit for the indecencies that would characterise the so-called ‘anti-warmovement in the years that followed: its open alliances with Khomeinist thugs, its Gaza flotilla escapades, its fundraising for Hamas, its serial betrayal of Afghan secularists and feminists and its rousing chorus of ‘we had it coming’ every time a psychopath shouted Allahu Akbar and went on a killing spree in London or Ottawa or Paris. But it is fair to notice that Chomsky would end up getting exactly what he wanted. Geras and

in The Norman Geras Reader
Ben Cohen and Eve Garrard

A critical openness. Drawing the lesson of the disastrous history of left apologetics over the crimes of Stalinism and Maoism, as well as more recent exercises in the same vein (some of the reaction to the crimes of 9/11, the excuse-making for suicide-terrorism, the disgraceful alliances lately set up inside the ‘anti-warmovement with illiberal theocrats), we reject the notion that there are no opponents on the Left. We reject, similarly, the idea that there can be no opening to ideas and individuals to our right. Leftists who make common cause with, or

in The Norman Geras Reader
Abstract only
Anna Green and Kathleen Troup

, the specific and often contradictory experiences of individual veterans are being clouded by a generalised, almost nostalgic version of the diggers and their war. Furthermore, in this modern re-working of the legend aspects of their war experience which were once taboo are now publicly acceptable. The Vietnam War and the influence of the peace and anti-war movement have altered public perceptions of war so that the soldier as victim is a more acceptable character – though he still takes second place to the Anzac hero. Fred can now talk more easily about his

in The houses of history
Abstract only
Nizan Shaked

conceptualism by showing the coherence of an on-going mode of practice that synthesised the infrastructural analysis of first generation Conceptual Art with a turn to overt representation of political subject matter. This development reflects the influence of Civil Rights, Black Power, the student movement, the anti-war movement, second wave feminism, and the gay liberation movement. Central in the American context, the multiple identity-based mobilisations that came to be known as “identity politics” were further articulated in the 1970s. These processes were reflected in

in The synthetic proposition
A critical space for social movements in Ireland
Margaret Gillan and Laurence Cox

video production. 13 Along with its own films, such as Berlusconi’s Mousetrap and Route Irish (Indymedia Ireland, n.d.) (documenting the anti-war movement), particular mention should go to the productive Revolt Video Collective ( 2013 ), which has produced a wide range of short films on key campaigns and issues. The bigger picture In the 2000s, the Internet, and Indymedia, had become crucial to many movements as a tool to mobilise resistance, highlight success, publicise issues and scandals, and generate critical perspectives. Nonetheless, access

in Defining events
Parties and interest groups
Edward Ashbee

because of the party’s growing associations with the anti-war movement and cultural liberalism. In their eyes, the party had become tied to ‘amnesty, abortion, and acid’. During the same period, white evangelical Christians moved towards the GOP. Supreme Court rulings establishing abortion rights and ending school prayer in public schools, and the Democrats’ identification with what appeared as an assault against long-established moral and religious values led to a weakening of traditional political affiliations

in US politics today (fourth edition)