This volume offers a series of new essays on the British left – broadly interpreted – during the First World War. Dealing with grassroots case studies of unionism from Bristol to the North East of England, and of high politics in Westminster, these essays probe what changed, and what remained more or less static, in terms of labour relations. For those interested in class, gender, and parliamentary politics or the interplay of ideas between Britain and places such as America, Ireland and Russia, this work has much to offer. From Charlie Chaplin to Ellen Wilkinson, this work paints a broad canvass of British radicalism during the Great War.
and reliable partner for the GJM (Hanley, 2008 : 146; Karatsioubanis, 2010a ).
• The prospect of strengthening the anti-warmovement against US militarisation in Afghanistan and Iraq.
• The prospect of articulating a pan-European defence of the European social model, seen as the core of European identity.
• The perceived need to accelerate EU integration (in particular Eastern enlargement) by freeing it from ‘Euro-Atlanticism’ and from President Bush's calls for ‘a united Europe under an expanded NATO’ (Trigazis, 2003 ).
• Reflecting the aforementioned
as part of a global resistance. For instance, participants in the
United States said that ‘the global [anti-war] movement was a source
of inspiration for those of us who spoke out. We gained confidence
and strength in knowing that we were standing with the vast majority
of the world's people’ (Gillan and Pickerill 2008 ). Global protest events enable what Gillan and
Pickerill call ‘imagined solidarity’ in
David Starr Jordan, eugenics and the Anglo-American anti-war movement
Gavin Baird and Bradley W. Hart
The Stanford connection: David Starr
Jordan, eugenics and the Anglo-American
Gavin Baird and Bradley W. Hart
As Europe descended into the abyss of war in the late summer of 1914,
one of the world’s best-known peace advocates was visiting the genteel
surroundings of Cambridge University. Shocked by the rapid escalation
of violence and realising that his life’s mission of preventing young men
from being sent to die on the battlefield had failed, this high-profile
academic bemoaned that the mere ‘incident’ of Franz Ferdinand’s assassination
A short account of the Revolutionary Communist Party
militarism’. This initiative sought to build a new anti-warmovement to challenge ‘the moral rearmament of imperialism’ and to combat
the drive towards war. The manifesto challenged the revival of nationalist
Waiting for the revolution
sentiments in Western countries and the presumption of moral superiority
over peoples in other countries. It called for resistance to racist policies against
immigrants and refugees. These themes were pursued in numerous articles
in Living Marxism and in campaigning responses to particular conflicts.
It was clear to the RCP that the
councils and the chamber of representatives, maintaining her M-19 ideals: “I think that the commitment with M-19 is the one that has defined my whole life” (C9).
An example of a resilient Vietnam veteran is Charles, who was 22 when he went to war in 1967. His life diagram can be seen in Figure 3 . Charles grew up in a rather apolitical family, and his political interest was awakened by the Vietnam War. When he returned home, he became active in the anti-warmovement. The Kent State massacre, when on May 4, 1970 a number of students were shot by the
, on occasions, events
for honoured guests. A conference held to frame a response to
fascist anti-semitism towards the end of 1936 was attended by more
than 300 invited delegates from widely varied national and local
organisations, including Labour Party branches, the Fabian Society,
the London Liberal Federation, the National Peace Council, the
NUWM, the Teachers’ Anti-WarMovement and Communist Party
headquarters.9 It promoted its work and its campaigns through
newsletters, pamphlets and its journal, Civil Liberty.
The membership of the NCCL was diverse and
trade-union movement and
other socialist bodies (such as the Social Democratic Federation and the Fabian
Society) in 1900 when the Labour Representation Committee was formed. It
The conflicting loyalties of the Scottish Labour Party
was finally rebranded as the Labour Party six years later and was able to draw
much of its support in Scotland through the period of mass industrial unrest
referred to as Red Clydeside, the anti-warmovement and the Glasgow rent
strikes which contributed to the development of the labour movement and the
radicalisation of the Scottish
shift by arguing that ‘The coming generation needed them. This was
England’s call to Englishwomen.’45
The challenges to trade unionism and labour
The anti-warmovement was linked to an undercurrent still actively engaged
in women’s suffrage. Some groups had ceased activities during the war,
and indeed softened their ideological position as a sacrifice.46 Yet in others,
such as in Nelson, women campaigners took a more visibly prominent role.
The increased female presence in the public arena resulted in successes
locally in women’s issues such as local
against and move beyond the rigidity of class politics and personal class
position. By the time Crass had started work on their fourth album, Christ:
The Album (1982), however, Margaret Thatcher’s new-right regime had taken
a firm hold on the UK. Mass unemployment had reached 3 million; there were
riots in many of Britain’s major cities, trade union disputes, H-Block protests
in Ireland and an economic recession. Crass, though, had been creating a large
audience for the anti-warmovement. The band’s anarchism was being taken
The milieu culture of DIY punk