Auteurship and exploitation in the history of punk cinema
, that outside of a handful
of movies either ‘recording what happened or attempting to express the spirit of
punk’, the movement ‘did not have widespread effects on other films, musicals
or otherwise’.4 But other writers recognise a more significant punk presence
at the cinema. In their incisive guide to cult films, for example, J. Hoberman
and Jonathan Rosenbaum highlight a wide range of both commercially produced and avant-garde movies that either feature punk or are influenced by
its sensibilities.5 And, in their monumental ‘complete guide to punks on film’,
the nineteenth and early twentieth century and through participation in the Second World War. This suggests that solidarity is not static and that “avant-garde” political agency can be effective. 69
Therefore, a principle of justice which requires a level of social solidarity higher than the existing one should not be immediately discarded on grounds of being over demanding. On the other hand, the extent to which social solidarity can be extended to additional groups of people seems to be limited. Individuals are always willing to do more for certain groups of
great nuance (see, in particular, Nicolas Dot-Pouillard, “Les gauches arabes orphelines de revolution”).
8 The Party of the Socialist Avant-Garde, heir to the Algerian Communist Party.
9 “Condor” was the name given in the 1970s to the joint operation between the “special services” of the dictatorships of the Southern Cone of South America (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay) to track down their “subversive” opponents. For the purpose, they used the murderous methods of “counter
determined to defend them” ( 1995c ). Similarly, in 2001 he declared, “Human rights, the concern for the human being and their dignity, have been a passion of France for a long time now. The French nation was among the first to declare human rights as universal and sacred. The French nation has always wanted to be in the avant-garde of the fight for freedom” (Chirac 2007 , 433). He also explained that “the duty of great powers, and of France in particular, is to work, wherever they can, towards the maintenance of peace and the prevention of conflicts” (Chirac 2011 , 126
improvement that does have a direction but is not teleologically limited in advance.
(Habermas, 1997a : 146-8)
For Adorno, the artistic avant-garde that arose in mid
nineteenth-century Europe was quintessentially expressive of the spirit of modernity.
Certainly, it crowned the liberation of scientific and moral-legal judgements that had already
been set in motion by the Renaissance and Enlightenment. This aesthetic mentality was
initially evident in the works of Baudelaire and Poe, reaching its
abstract reason and religious truth, and governmental authority and
popular politics. There are parallels here with modernist initiatives
elsewhere. On the other hand, South Asian endeavors equally sieved such
concerns through distinct expressions of modernism, at once querying the
colonial connection with a (generally
bourgeois) modern, articulating the national dynamic with an (often
Dissociating themselves from modernity, with perhaps the exception of its aesthetic
avant-garde , these movements at times blur the distinctions between left and right.
Indeed, they rival their nineteenth-century predecessors in the extent to which precapitalist forms of life inspire
their decreasingly Marxian, anticapitalism (Habermas, 1995 : 393).
Some have come to supplement, and even replace, socialist ideas with
varieties of ‘anarchical mysticism’ (Mendieta, 2002 : 1). 5 Mystical and millenarian views have also been adopted
natural scientific explanations of human affairs –
some of whom have been influenced by the aesthetic avant-garde, counterculture or other
neo-Nietzschean orientations – are then approached. Among them are writers such as
Michel Houellebecq, 6 J.G. Ballard and Ernst
jünger, and academics such as Peter Sloterdijk, John Gray and Samuel Huntington. This
section continues with reflection on arguably the purest political incarnation of this
tendency to appear in the early twenty-first century: the maverick Dutch politician Pim
consumerism – which had coopted and commodified the avant-garde
– for the deformation of the lifeworld, rather than the art world or counterculture.
Commodification was, by contrast, under-emphasised by Bell (Habermas, 2003a ), due perhaps to a moral-ideological conflation of the market with progress and
Habermas ( 1994b : 22) distinguished neoconservative
intellectuals like Bell from Catholic conservatives such as William F. Buckley, and from the
Protestant fundamentalists of the New Right. Yet these constituencies
1939 before transforming himself into a powerful publisher. 29 Prizes, ‘a patronage system for the post-patronage age’, 30 constituted not only a form of (re)conciliation but also a means by which to whitewash reputations.
In a forensically documented D.Phil. thesis, Enrique Sacau-Ferreira observes how the ‘political undertones of Spanish music criticism as well as the promotion of avant-garde music under Franco has been ignored even when they carried out duties that were decidedly at odds with democratic practices’. 31 Jesús Aguirre noted in the