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Bryan Fanning

crisis 161 that focus mostly on the territory of the Irish nation-state.13 Beyond this, according to Malesevic, the infrastructure of the Irish state has dramatically thickened over time in areas such as education and social policy. All of this facilitates a deeper ideological penetration of nationalist ideas and practices.14 A combination of banal nationalism and statist nationbuilding infrastructure has arguably worked to reinforce a sense of what Anderson calls a ‘deep horizontal comradeship’ amongst the citizens of the Irish state.15 Voters in the Referendum

in Irish adventures in nation-building
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Anna Green and Kathleen Troup

all it is imagined because it is impossible for its members to know most of their fellow-members. Secondly, it is limited, because no nation regards itself as representing all humanity. Finally, it is a community because regardless of hierarchies of inequality or social/ cultural difference, the nation ‘is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship.’ 12 Anderson located the origins of nationalism in late eighteenth-century Europe and the Americas, when the process of ‘reading nationalism genealogically – as the expression of historical tradition of serial

in The houses of history
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Martine Monacelli

less tyrannical and more Christian type of subordination. A more restrained exercise of male authority was recommended by J. R. Miller’s Secrets of Happy Home Life (1894). George Bainton’s The Wife as Lover and Friend (1895) and the Rev. J. G. Greenhough’s Our Dear Home Life: Homely Talks on Courtship, Marriage and Family Life (1896) also praised the values of comradeship, compromise, and love in relationships. The great number of couples who became renowned exemplars of successful companionate marriages was one of the hallmarks of the emancipation movement

in Male voices on women's rights
Jane Gray, Ruth Geraghty, and David Ralph

that their relationships were characterized by greater comradeship and freedom of communication than that of their rural parents. New urban husbands were much more likely to ‘walk out with their wives, attend movies with them and go out visiting or to parties with them’. Nevertheless, sex segregated socializing remained widespread and men’s and women’s economic roles continued to be clearly demarcated in families where husbands were the main, if not sole breadwinners: ‘husbands prevalently scorn housework and fear being ridiculed as a “molly” if they be discovered at

in Family rhythms
John McLeod

nationalism often faced two problems: the complicity of national liberation movements in Western myth-making, and the complications caused by the fact that many occupants of colonial lands did not possess a sense of (to use Benedict Anderson’s phrase) ‘deep, horizontal comradeship’ prior to the advent of colonial government. The production of a unified imaginary community can be both nationalism’s greatest strength and its ultimate weakness. Although the myth of the nation might function as a valuable resource in uniting a people in opposition to colonialism, it often does

in Beginning postcolonialism (second edition)
John McLeod

). This is because ‘the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives an image of their communion’ (p. 6). Individuals come to think they are part of a greater collective, that they share a ‘deep, horizontal comradeship’ (p. 7) with many others. In a similar vein Timothy Brennan points out in his essay ‘The National Longing for Form’ (in Nation and Narration , ed. Homi K. Bhabha, Routledge, 1990 , pp. 44–70) that the nation refers ‘both to the modern nation-state and

in Beginning postcolonialism (second edition)
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Critical Theorist of Revolutionary Decolonisation
Reiland Rabaka

people”. 25 He believed that culture must be politically analysed in the new nation that is being forged on the battlefields of the national liberation struggle, where the ghosts of “tribalism” are eventually exorcised and the sectarianism of the past gives way to the principled Pan-Africanism, democratic socialism and revolutionary humanism of the nation’s foreseeable future. This new humanity and new identity are a consequence of the armed struggle and the spirit of comradeship it cultivated among the people-in-arms. 26 Recalling Fanon

in The Pan-African Pantheon
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Helen Boak

‘fundamental change in the orientation of women toward men which acquires its basic tone from concerns of equality and comradeship’. 9 Young women no longer saw the necessity for a separate women’s movement. Women were able to take advantage of the employment and professional opportunities that the Weimar Republic was making accessible because they were able to control their fertility. Contraceptive advice became more widespread, and the use of contraception to limit family size became accepted as couples sought to ensure a better future for their children. Even in

in Women in the Weimar Republic
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John McLeod

, customs, behaviours and values. This can have consequences for the ways in which others may or may not make migrants feel ‘at home’ on arrival in a new place. In Chapters 3 and 4 we looked in detail at the ways in which nationalist discourses attempt to construct ‘deep, horizontal comradeship’ by setting ‘norms and limits’ for the nation’s people. Although migrants may pass through the political borders of nations, crossing their frontiers and gaining entrance to new places, such ‘norms and limits’ can be used to exclude migrants from being accommodated inside the

in Beginning postcolonialism (second edition)
Helen Boak

, staying overnight in youth hostels. 65 The co-educational socialist youth movement likewise enjoyed rambling and camping holidays, promoting comradeship and also inculcating an appreciation of culture and art with visits to concerts and museums. 66 Figure 5.4 Eight young people on an excursion into the Berlin countryside (1928) Motorised transport was the ultimate symbol of personal freedom, and young women were keen to master modern forms, if they could afford them. Hanni Köhler became a well-known motorcyclist, racing against men and

in Women in the Weimar Republic