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Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

bombing’: this focus on the enemy, and not his machines, undermined preparations against air attack. Knowledge and understanding of the public world of war depended on age and (to a degree) gender; the older male interviewees among those I  interviewed  – such as Henri Girardon, Christian de la Bachellerie, Michel Thomas, Michel Floch and André Dutilleul  – had taken more interest in past war, particularly tales of heroics and comradeship. In their cases, knowledge came from an active engagement with sources of information, but in others  – more of the female

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Israeli security experience as an international brand
Erella Grassiani

the ‘Spirit of the IDF’. This latter code requires Israeli soldiers to uphold a high moral standard. Values mentioned in this code are, for example, comradeship, purity of arms (which means one can only use a weapon in defensive action), and discipline. Many of my informants also mentioned the work ethic as something specific to the ‘Israeli-ness’ of their companies. One informant told me how he and

in Security/ Mobility
Jean-François Caron

, of conducting vicious manhunts through jungles and swamps where snipers harassed us constantly and booby traps cut us down one by one. … At times, the comradeship that was the war's only redeeming quality caused some of the worst crimes – acts of retribution for friends who had been killed. Some men could not withstand the stress of guerrilla-fighting: the hair-trigger alertness constantly demanded of

in A theory of the super soldier
Mariela Breen-Smyth

, members of this re-conceptualised suspect community ‘discover’ their membership when suspicion is directed at them by the police, the media or a member of the public. Unlike Anderson’s national imagined community which ‘regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail [. . .] is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship’ ( Anderson, 1991 , p. 224), there is no automatic solidarity between members of the suspect community. The racialised public imagination is not limited to white people. These processes of suspicion, consolidated by

in Encountering extremism
Peter Shirlow, Jonathan Tonge, James McAuley, and Catherine McGlynn

personable losses were positioned in the stories told as being secondary to communal or group gains brought about by the actions of former prisoners. These ‘positive’ features of imprisonment were largely seen to take two forms. First were the bonds developed around personal relationships and comradeship. The following is typical of such responses: What did I gain personally? I gained a lot of friends, long

in Abandoning historical conflict?
Adrian Millar

to show that they are agreeable, moderate and tolerant. Interviewee 4, on the other hand, is determined to accentuate the IRA’s prowess. She is convinced that nothing frightened her or her colleagues in the IRA in the early 1970s. They were on the crest of a wave: ‘It was brilliant because of all the comradeship and all and nobody, nobody was ascared then. Nobody was afraid. It was sort of like

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict
"On the political passions in Europe and America and their implications for Transatlantic History"
Charles S. Maier

belief had long had advocates), but that politics at its most basic must be akin to war, was in fact a form of war itself. War called forth the essentials demanded by manhood: loyalty and comradeship, command and obedience, and courage. Soldiers sacrificed themselves for their nation and for their fellow comrades. Liberal politicians in the First World War had stayed at home, immune from danger, chatting away in their feckless parliaments while the youth of their societies were consumed in distant battlefields. In so far as there was a common content to the doctrines

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

of comradeship between the missionary and the indigenous Church worker’. People generally were more friendly. He insisted that a quick handover was the last thing the Upper Burmese Church needed. 78 Childe refused to be fobbed off and complained that the Burma missionaries were ‘more reluctant than governments to forego control and to set people free’. 79 The Methodist Conference had less altruistic reasons for wishing to withdraw from its overseas commitments. Donations to the Missionary Society had been dwindling

in Conflict, politics and proselytism