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If walls could talk

Northern Ireland is regarded as one of the most successful 'post conflict' societies in the world. The reimaging of Belfast as a 'post conflict' city tends to gloss over these persistent divisions. This book provides a thought provoking and comprehensive account of teenagers' perceptions and experiences of the physical and symbolic divisions that exist in 'post conflict' Belfast. Despite Northern Ireland's new status as one of the most successful examples of the resolution of what was once seen as an intractable conflict, the peace walls which separate Protestant and Catholic areas remain in place. The book examines the micro-geographies of young people and draws attention to the social practices, discourses and networks that directly or indirectly (re)shape how they make sense of and negotiate life in Belfast. It focuses is on the physical landscape enclosing interface areas and the impact that it has on the perceptions and actions of young people living in these areas. The book explores how physical divisions are perceived and experienced by young people who live in interface areas and how they view the architecture of division. It pays attention to the impact of place on teenagers' social relations within and between the localities in which they reside. The city centre of Belfast epitomises the city's status as a 'post conflict' city. A recurring argument is that identity does not exist 'out there'. The book shows how social relationships are inherently spatial and how identities are influenced by place and impact on it.

Towards a transitional justice role
Lydia A. Nkansah

207 Chapter 10 ICERD in the post-​conflict landscape: towards a transitional justice role Lydia A. Nkansah Introduction The end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-​first century have witnessed conflicts with untold suffering to humanity.1 Ethnic conflicts have resulted in ‘the denial of human rights, breakdown of political order, decline of economic performance and escalation into civil and regional wars’.2 It is estimated that ‘more than half of the world’s thirty million refugees at the beginning of 1990 were fleeing from civil wars

in Fifty years of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
Joseph Ruane

4147 Inglis–Are the Irish different_BB_Layout 1 29/07/2014 09:27 Page 166 16 Conflict and reconciliation in Northern Ireland Joseph Ruane On 2 December 2012 Belfast City Council decided by majority vote to cease flying the Union Jack over City Hall every day of the year and to fly it on just eighteen, designated days. The pressure for change came from the nationalist parties on the council, Sinn Fein and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), who had not wanted it flown at all. The agreement to fly it on designated days only was a compromise to secure

in Are the Irish different?
Amanda Slevin

10 Consent, coercion and consequences of the Corrib gas conflict Part I of this book provided a detailed case study of the Corrib gas conflict, outlining fundamental issues and identifying some of the main actors: the state (including elected representatives, civil servants and planning authorities), the oil industry, a community of resistance, supporters of the project, and the media. Over the duration of the controversy, both the state and oil companies adopted a variety of strategies to advance the project, some of which entailed efforts at consent formation

in Gas, oil and the Irish state
Jonathan Benthall

This review of The Price of Freedom Denied: Religious persecution and conflict in the twenty-first century , by Brian J. Grim and Roger Finke (Cambridge University Press, 2011) appeared in the Times Literary Supplement on 1 June 2012, under the heading ‘Repression by numbers’. Most cultural anthropologists are sceptical about the

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times
Eric James and Tim Jacoby

. There is also the critical position, which argues that conflict and reconstruction are ongoing processes that may not readily fit the solutions offered by traditional management. While the critical position often presents valid arguments, the managerialist–positivist offers persuasive prescriptions for those involved in policy and practice. The second controversy relates to ethics

in The military-humanitarian complex in Afghanistan
Marcel Stoetzle

counteracts instinct, though: instinctive sympathy is ‘counteracted in actual experience, by a more intimate knowledge of the hitherto strange person’ that may verify or falsify the first impression. ‘Sympathies and antipathies can be of many different degrees’ and kinds, including ‘intelligent sympathy’ rooted in ‘thinking consciousness’, or the sympathy one has with ‘those who side with us’ in a conflict or those who belong to the same faith, party, profession or class. Tönnies rejects in this context a clear-cut distinction between feeling and thinking. The next

in Beginning classical social theory
Clara Duterme

Established during the Guatemalan Peace Process, the Oslo Accord contemplates the question of compensating the victims of internal armed conflict. Not only was this accord founded on the principles of victims rights, but it also intends to contribute to the democratic reconstruction of Guatemalan society through a process of recognition of victims status and memory – intended to have a reconciling function. The article focuses on the work of two organisations implementing the Oslo Accord and aims to analyse the discourses and practices of the local actors and their perception of the application of victims rights. Civil society actors and members of the National Compensation Programme demonstrate different approaches both in practical work and in representations of what is right. However, revendication of local cultural values is present in all actors discourse, revealing their ambiguous position in regard to state government.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Selina Todd

Class conflict and the myth of cultural ‘inclusion’ in modern Manchester Selina Todd In August 2009, a theatre group from north Manchester enjoyed an incredible box-office success. MaD theatre company’s production, Angels with Manky Faces, was a dramatic exploration of nineteenth-century gang violence, adapted from historian Andrew Davies’s book The Gangs of Manchester.1 MaD’s cast of twenty-one staged seven sell-out performances at the Library Theatre in Manchester city centre, and three at the Dancehouse on the city’s Oxford Road. After completing the run of

in Culture in Manchester
Keith Krause

In discussions of conflict, war and political violence, dead bodies count. Although the politics and practices associated with the collection of violent-death data are seldom subject to critical examination, they are crucial to how scholars and practitioners think about how and why conflict and violence erupt. Knowledge about conflict deaths – the who, what, where, when, why and how – is a form of expertise, created, disseminated and used by different agents. This article highlights the ways in which body counts are deployed as social facts and forms of knowledge that are used to shape and influence policies and practices associated with armed conflict. It traces the way in which conflict-death data emerged, and then examines critically some of the practices and assumptions of data collection to shed light on how claims to expertise are enacted and on how the public arena connects (or not) with scholarly conflict expertise.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal