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Costas Simitis

19 Conflicts at the highest European level Following the October 2011 summit, anxiety over instability in Greece continued to have ramifications across the EU. Italy was looking increasingly exposed to contagion from the crisis, and at risk of a similar exponential rise in borrowing costs. Even though Italy’s debt to GDP ratio was 120%, Rome had continued to access the markets at a rate of interest hovering around the 4% mark. However, 2011 saw a rise of two percentage points in this interest rate.1 Under these terms, its debt was no longer sustainable. Despite

in The European debt crisis
Marcel Stoetzle

counteracts instinct, though: instinctive sympathy is ‘counteracted in actual experience, by a more intimate knowledge of the hitherto strange person’ that may verify or falsify the first impression. ‘Sympathies and antipathies can be of many different degrees’ and kinds, including ‘intelligent sympathy’ rooted in ‘thinking consciousness’, or the sympathy one has with ‘those who side with us’ in a conflict or those who belong to the same faith, party, profession or class. Tönnies rejects in this context a clear-cut distinction between feeling and thinking. The next

in Beginning classical social theory
The essentials
Series: Politics Today
Author: Bill Jones

'Politics' with a big 'P' is concerned with how we, individuals and groups, relate to the state. This book commences with a definition of political activity with a focus on conflict, and government and democracy. Britain is, arguably, the oldest democracy in the world, though it took many centuries for it to evolve into its current 'representative' form. Conflict resolution depends on the political system involved. The book draws together all the elements of government, explaining the British system of governance, which is democracy but utilises representatives. Civil service advises ministers and carries out the day- to-day running of government. The book then describes the transformation of the British system of governance from an absolute monarchy to a representative democracy. It examines how economic changes have affected Britain over the centuries, and presents some thoughts on the absence of a modern British revolution. It presents an account of Britain's economic history, the class developments and differences, and the absence of a modern revolution despite astonishing levels of income inequality. Factors that might influence the political culture of Britain are discussed next. The book also touches upon the sources of British constitution, the process of constitutional amendments prevailing in the U.S. and Britain, current British politics, and the development of pressure groups in Britain. Finally, the history of party government in Britain, and details of the Conservative Party, Labour Party, the Social and Liberal Democrats, House of Commons, and Britain's international relations are discussed.

Abstract only
England and the defence of British sovereignty
Ben Wellings

popular memory. Despite the efforts of some historians and politicians, the memory of the Somme as senseless slaughter in the mud stuck. Traceable to some of the writings of the later war poets and, in particular, a cynicism towards the war from the 1960s associated with Oh What a Lovely War, this memory of the Great War was the one that most closely aligned with the founding myth of European integration. But in contrast to the ‘European’ idea that the two world wars represented a catastrophe followed by renaissance, English memory of the conflict of the

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
Bill Jones

Union. Potato shortage hits poorest families. Strikes close down benefit offices. John pips Colin for chess team captaincy. Virtually all of them can be said to have some political content: 1 and 3 are clearly political but even 2 and 6 contain something of politics with a small ‘p’. So what unites the big and small ‘p’ senses of the word? The answer is the element of conflict and the need to resolve such conflict. So we talk of ‘family politics’, ‘work politics’, ‘boardroom politics’, even ‘chess club politics’, all with a small ‘p’, while ‘Politics

in British politics today
Silvia Salvatici

postcolonial conflict to engender a transnational wave of humanitarian concern’. 2 This is also why it is usually identified as a turning point, as the beginning of a new phase in the history of humanitarianism. In this interpretation, the aid sent to the victims of the Nigerian civil war ratified the shift in the humanitarian agencies’ range of action, orienting it for good towards the non-European regions that were going through the process of decolonisation and the tensions of the Cold War. In addition, the wide coverage of the ‘mass death’ in Biafra expressed a new

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
Caroline Turner and Jen Webb

War, violence and divided societies Introduction War, violence and conflict necessarily provide the most extreme occasions for violations of human rights. The world wars of the twentieth century were the most destructive of human life and, in the case of the second world war, of human property, in recorded history. In Asia, the end of that war is also associated with struggles to achieve independence after what had been, in some cases, several centuries of colonial control. Though in most cases this was achieved fairly rapidly, that was not the end of the

in Art and human rights
Silvia Salvatici

In the period when most of the international programmes were dedicated to development, war relief certainly did not disappear from humanitarianism’s sphere of action, as we have seen in aid operations for the civilians fleeing armed conflicts in the Middle East, Asia and North Africa between the 1940s and 1950s. In this area of intervention, new parties established themselves that identified in humanitarian commitment a tool with which to claim the independence of the colonial territories or to assert the full sovereignty of the newly constituted

in A history of humanitarianism, 1755–1989
Bryan Fanning

, and the experimental and observational sciences. In 1912 Catholic intentions hardly needed to be advertised. In time the subtitle became shortened to ‘An Irish Quarterly Review’ with the accompanying explanation of the remit of Studies: ‘It examines Irish social, political, cultural and economic issues in the light of Christian values and explores the Irish dimension in literature, history, philosophy and religion.’ In the pages of Studies the polarised conflict between Catholicism and liberalism claimed by some accounts of Irish modernisation break down. The Irish

in Irish adventures in nation-building
Diversity and community life
Tom Clark, Robert D. Putnam, and Edward Fieldhouse

more important as Western societies grow more heterogeneous. Voltaire’s optimistic take on England’s mosaic of religions contrasts with David Goodhart’s anxiety about cultural unravelling in the wake of contemporary migration. In academic argument, each of these two perspectives has long had its counterpart, in theories of ‘contact’ on the one hand and of ‘conflict’ on the other. Contact theorists (for instance, Allport, 1954) held that contact with other ethnic groups – more likely in a diverse society – will reduce racist attitudes. Conflict theorists on the other

in The age of Obama