Conflicts at the highest European level
Following the October 2011 summit, anxiety over instability in Greece continued to have ramifications across the EU. Italy was looking increasingly
exposed to contagion from the crisis, and at risk of a similar exponential rise
in borrowing costs. Even though Italy’s debt to GDP ratio was 120%, Rome
had continued to access the markets at a rate of interest hovering around the
4% mark. However, 2011 saw a rise of two percentage points in this interest
rate.1 Under these terms, its debt was no longer sustainable. Despite
counteracts instinct, though: instinctive sympathy is ‘counteracted in actual experience, by a more intimate knowledge of the hitherto strange person’ that may verify or falsify the first impression. ‘Sympathies and antipathies can be of many different degrees’ and kinds, including ‘intelligent sympathy’ rooted in ‘thinking consciousness’, or the sympathy one has with ‘those who side with us’ in a conflict or those who belong to the same faith, party, profession or class. Tönnies rejects in this context a clear-cut distinction between feeling and thinking.
'Politics' with a big 'P' is concerned with how we, individuals and
groups, relate to the state. This book commences with a definition of political
activity with a focus on conflict, and government and democracy. Britain is,
arguably, the oldest democracy in the world, though it took many centuries for
it to evolve into its current 'representative' form. Conflict
resolution depends on the political system involved. The book draws together all
the elements of government, explaining the British system of governance, which
is democracy but utilises representatives. Civil service advises ministers and
carries out the day- to-day running of government. The book then describes the
transformation of the British system of governance from an absolute monarchy to
a representative democracy. It examines how economic changes have affected
Britain over the centuries, and presents some thoughts on the absence of a
modern British revolution. It presents an account of Britain's economic
history, the class developments and differences, and the absence of a modern
revolution despite astonishing levels of income inequality. Factors that might
influence the political culture of Britain are discussed next. The book also
touches upon the sources of British constitution, the process of constitutional
amendments prevailing in the U.S. and Britain, current British politics, and the
development of pressure groups in Britain. Finally, the history of party
government in Britain, and details of the Conservative Party, Labour Party, the
Social and Liberal Democrats, House of Commons, and Britain's international
relations are discussed.
popular memory. Despite the efforts of some historians and politicians, the memory of the Somme as senseless slaughter in the mud stuck.
Traceable to some of the writings of the later war poets and, in particular, a cynicism towards the war from the 1960s associated with Oh What a Lovely War, this memory of the Great War was the one that most closely aligned with the founding myth of European integration. But in contrast to the ‘European’ idea that the two world wars represented a catastrophe followed by renaissance, English memory of the conflict of the
Potato shortage hits poorest families.
Strikes close down benefit offices.
John pips Colin for chess team captaincy.
Virtually all of them can be said to have some political content: 1 and 3 are clearly political but even 2 and 6 contain something of politics with a small ‘p’. So what unites the big and small ‘p’ senses of the word?
The answer is the element of conflict and the need to resolve such conflict. So we talk of ‘family politics’, ‘work politics’, ‘boardroom politics’, even ‘chess club politics’, all with a small ‘p’, while ‘Politics
postcolonial conflict to engender a transnational wave of humanitarian concern’. 2 This is also why it is usually identified as a turning point, as the beginning of a new phase in the history of humanitarianism. In this interpretation, the aid sent to the victims of the Nigerian civil war ratified the shift in the humanitarian agencies’ range of action, orienting it for good towards the non-European regions that were going through the process of decolonisation and the tensions of the Cold War. In addition, the wide coverage of the ‘mass death’ in Biafra expressed a new
War, violence and divided societies
War, violence and conflict necessarily provide the most extreme occasions for violations of human rights. The world wars of the twentieth century were the most
destructive of human life and, in the case of the second world war, of human property, in recorded history. In Asia, the end of that war is also associated with struggles to achieve independence after what had been, in some cases, several centuries
of colonial control. Though in most cases this was achieved fairly rapidly, that
was not the end of the
In the period when most of the international programmes were dedicated to development, war relief certainly did not disappear from humanitarianism’s sphere of action, as we have seen in aid operations for the civilians fleeing armed conflicts in the Middle East, Asia and North Africa between the 1940s and 1950s. In this area of intervention, new parties established themselves that identified in humanitarian commitment a tool with which to claim the independence of the colonial territories or to assert the full sovereignty of the newly constituted
, and the experimental and
observational sciences. In 1912 Catholic intentions hardly needed to be
advertised. In time the subtitle became shortened to ‘An Irish Quarterly
Review’ with the accompanying explanation of the remit of Studies:
‘It examines Irish social, political, cultural and economic issues in the
light of Christian values and explores the Irish dimension in literature,
history, philosophy and religion.’
In the pages of Studies the polarised conflict between Catholicism and
liberalism claimed by some accounts of Irish modernisation break down.
Tom Clark, Robert D. Putnam, and Edward Fieldhouse
more important as Western societies grow more heterogeneous. Voltaire’s optimistic take on England’s mosaic of religions
contrasts with David Goodhart’s anxiety about cultural unravelling
in the wake of contemporary migration. In academic argument, each
of these two perspectives has long had its counterpart, in theories of
‘contact’ on the one hand and of ‘conflict’ on the other.
Contact theorists (for instance, Allport, 1954) held that contact
with other ethnic groups – more likely in a diverse society – will reduce
racist attitudes. Conflict theorists on the other