In a celebrated chapter in his England in the Age of the American
Revolution (1930) Sir Lewis Namier sought to answer the question why
did men go into Parliament? His answer may be summed up that it was
fashionable and profitable to be a Member of Parliament. If we ask why
men went into the diplomatic service in the eighteenth century we must
find a different set of answers, since entry to this service was both unfashionable and on the whole unprofitable. (Horn, The British Diplomatic
Service, p. 85)
Foreign service, as far as many were
E. J. Eyre and sexual politics on the South Australian frontier
Historical and anthropological research, including oral
histories taken of the descendants of Aborigines who witnessed first
contact, suggests that Aboriginal men may have offered their women
to the white invaders for a variety of reasons and that these
reasons changed over time: to promote peace and hospitality; to
exercise diplomacy and maintain status within their traditional
This is not a traditional international relations text that deals with war, trade or power politics. Instead, this book offers an analysis of the social, cultural and intellectual aspects of diplomatic life in the age of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. The book illustrates several modes of Britain's engagement with Europe, whether political, artistic, scientific, literary or cultural. The book consults a wide range of sources for the study including the private and official papers of fifty men and women in the British diplomatic service. Attention is given to topics rarely covered in diplomatic history such as the work and experiences of women and issues of national, regional and European identity.
The League of Nations, public
opinion and the New Diplomacy
The Democratic Spirit may be relied upon if the democratic mind is sufficiently
informed. (Lord Robert Cecil, 1920)1
In short, the Union believes that the problem of maintaining world peace is
mainly a problem of education. (Report on the Work of the LNU, 1921)2
In the official history rushed out by the LNU in summer 1935, its author
justified the Peace Ballot as a unique exercise which had, for the first time,
made knowable the will of the people on vital questions of foreign policy. ‘If
French subsidies played a central role in European politics from Charles VIII’s
invasion of Italy in 1494 until the French Revolution. French kings attempted to
frustrate what they viewed as a Habsburg bid to pursue universal monarchy.
During the seventeenth century, the French monarchy would embrace the payment of
subsidies on a different scale than previously, using alliances in which
subsidies played a prominent role to pursue crucial aspects of royal policy.
Louis XIII made alliances promising subsidies to support the United Provinces’
resumed war against the king of Spain, and for the Danish, Swedish, and various
German princes to fight against the Holy Roman Emperor. Louis XIV continued some
of these subsidies and used subsidies as a tool in order to implement his own
politics. When Louis XIV appeared to Dutch and some English statesmen as
aspiring to Universal monarchy, the Dutch and particularly the English used the
tool of subsidies to frustrate the French monarch. During the eighteenth
century, principally the French and the British, but also the Austrians, used
subsidies to procure allies and attempt to maintain the balance of power. The
subsidy system prompted significant debates about the legal, political, and
moral implications, and was sometimes a source of political conflict between
competing power groupings within states. The book argues that participation in
the French system of subsidies neither necessarily accelerated nor necessarily
retarded state development; but such participation could undoubtedly change
political dynamics, the creation of institutions, and the form of states that
This book recounts the history of the Fulbright Program in Australia, locating academic exchange in the context of US cultural diplomacy and revealing a complex relationship between governments, publicly funded research and the integrity of academic independence. The study is the first in-depth analysis of the Fulbright exchange program in a single country. Drawing on previously unexplored archives and a new oral history, the authors investigate the educational, political and diplomatic challenges experienced by Australian and American scholars who won awards and those who managed the complex bi-national program. The book begins with the scheme’s origins, moves through its Australian establishment during the early Cold War, Vietnam War dilemmas, civil rights and gender parity struggles and the impacts of mid-to-late twentieth century belt-tightening. How the program’s goal of ‘mutual understanding’ was understood and enacted across six decades lies at the heart of the book, which weaves institutional and individual experiences together with broader geopolitical issues. Bringing a complex and nuanced analysis to the Australia–US relationship, the authors offer fresh insights into the global influence of the Fulbright Program. It is a compelling account of academic exchange as cultural diplomacy. It offers a critical appraisal of Fulbright achievements and limitations in avoiding political influence, integrating gender and racial diversity, absorbing conflict and dissent, and responding to economic fluctuations and social change.
This book aims both to shed light on the complex legal and procedural basis for early modern chaplaincy and to expand the understanding of what chaplains, in practice, actually did. Each chapter in the book treats in a different way the central question of how interactions in literature, patronage and religion made forms of cultural agency are available to early modern chaplains, primarily in England. The numerous case studies discussed in the book include instances of both the public and the more private aspects of chaplaincy. The book first focuses on the responsibility of the bishop of London's chaplains for pre-publication censorship of the press. It then examines the part played by ambassadorial chaplains such as Daniel Featley within wider networks of international diplomacy, interconfessional rivalry and print polemic. Patronage was evidently the key to determining the roles, activities and significance of early modern chaplains. Unsurprisingly, patrons often chose chaplains whose interests and priorities, whether theological or secular, were similar or complementary to their own. Episcopal chaplains had a politically significant role in keeping lay patrons loyal to the Church of England during the interregnum. Alongside patronage and religion, the book also considers the diverse array of literary activities undertaken by early modern chaplains.
The European scramble for colonies in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was driven by rather more than the interests of an elite, aristocratic and bourgeois. This book is about the 'colonisation of consciousness'. It surveys in comparative form the transmission of imperial ideas to the public in six European countries in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The book offers six case studies on France, Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany and Italy, providing parallel studies of the manner in which colonial ambitions and events in the respective European empires were given wider popular visibility. The book demonstrates the inter-war years that saw the stepping up of imperial propaganda throughout the surviving imperial powers. Inspired by the directions of research pioneered by John MacKenzie, specialists of the French Empire started to combine methodologies from social and cultural history to revise the perception of French popular imperialism. Germany's imperialism is analysed along the axes of mobility and migration, 'race' and the sciences, commodities and markets, the missions and imperialist social formations, and the vast field of popular culture. What sets popular imperialism in Belgium apart from others is the remarkable yet ironic reverence reserved for Leopold II. Power rivalries, ingenious if tricky diplomacy, and Leopold's tenacity resulted in recognition of his rule over much of the Congo around the time of the Berlin conference. So far as the peoples of Europe were concerned, the imperial experience helped, paradoxically, to further 'Eurocentrism' and install the naturalisation of Europeanness as 'whiteness'.