Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy provides an up to date and accessible overview of the field, and serves as a practical guide to those seeking to engage in human rights work. Pease argues that while human rights are internationally recognised, important disagreements exist on definition, priority and implementation. With the help of human rights diplomacy, these differences can be bridged, and a new generation of human rights professionals will build better relationships.
rights and humanitarian diplomacy. Often referred to as track 2 diplomacy, NGOs participate in diplomacy through their advocacy, their role as subcontractors, and as vehicles for citizen diplomacy. 2 This chapter also provides an overview of some of the more prominent NGOs and their contributions to human rights and humanitarian diplomacy. Recall that there are important distinctions between human rights and humanitarian affairs, and therefore, important differences between human rights NGOs and humanitarian NGOs. Both types of NGO often operate within the same
The book represents the first comprehensive account of the public and cultural
diplomacy campaigns carried out by the United States in Yugoslavia during the
height of the Cold War. Based on extensive multinational archival research, as
well as private papers and personal interviews, this book charts the reasoning
behind the US campaign and the impact it had on specific Yugoslav communities
and individuals. American soft power, as a form of cultural power, deliberately
sought to ‘open up’ a relatively closed society through the provision and
diffusion of liberal traditions, ideas, and ideals. Tito and his Party allowed
USIA and State Department cultural programs to enter Yugoslavia, liberated from
Soviet control, to open cultural centres and pavilions at its main fairs, to
broadcast Voice of America, and have American artists tour the country.
Exchanges of intellectual and political personnel helped foster the US–Yugoslav
relationship, but posed severe ideological challenges for both countries. By
providing new insights into porous borders between freedom and coercion in
Tito’s regime, the book shows how public diplomacy acted as an external input
for Yugoslav liberalization and dissident movements. Meant for students,
scholars, and general readers interested in the cultural Cold War, international
relations, and diplomacy, this book fills a gap in the literature by looking at
the political role of culture in US–Yugoslav bilateral relations, analysing the
fluid links between information and propaganda, and the unintended effects
propaganda can produce beyond the control of producers and receivers.
racial inequality in America, like Soviet propaganda suggested, coped with artists’ personal motivations, usually looking for personal success, and race or gender equality. Scholars working on public or cultural diplomacy more broadly usually focused on specific musicians, genres, or groups. Penny Von Eschen studied Louis Armstrong, Dizzy Gillespie, and Duke Ellington’s impact abroad; 7 Lisa Davenport and Ingrid Monson explored the value of jazz calling out the civil rights agenda in front of audiences worldwide; 8 while Clare Croft and Danielle Fossler
Turkey’s Europeanisation saga, which began in 1959 and climaxed in 2005 with the opening of membership negotiations with the European Union (EU), presents a unique opportunity to understand how interstate actors negotiate their interests; what ‘common interests’ look like from their historically and culturally contingent perspectives; and what happens when actors work for their private, professional, public, personal or institutional interests, even when those interests may go against their mandate. Honing in on the role of diplomats and lobbyists during negotiations for Turkey’s contentious EU membership bid, this book presents intricate, backstage conflicts of power and interests and negotiations of compromises, which drove this candidate country both closer to and farther from the EU. The reader will find in the book the everyday actors and agents of Turkish Europeanisation and learn what their work entails, which interests they represent and how they do what they do. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Brussels, the book argues that public, private and corporate actors, voicing economic, political and bureaucratic interests from all corners of Europe, sought access to markets and polities through the Turkish bid instead of pursuing their mandate of facilitating Turkey’s EU accession. Although limited progress was achieved in Turkey’s actual EU integration, diplomats and lobbyists from both sides of the negotiating table contradictorily affirmed their expertise as effective negotiators, seeking more status and power. This is the first book-length account of the EU–Turkey power-interest negotiations in situ, from the perspective of its long-term actors and agents.
Human rights and humanitarian diplomacy is the bargaining, negotiating, and advocating process involved with promoting and protecting international human rights and humanitarian principles. This diplomacy is also a secondary mechanism for discovering or defining new rights and principles. For centuries, diplomacy in general was the exclusive preserve of states. States use diplomacy as a foreign policy tool to achieve complicated and often competing goals. Today, human rights and humanitarian diplomacy is conducted on many levels by individuals who
States have used their sovereignty to not only create international law but also IGOs to help them address collective action problems, resolve conflict, and achieve common goals. This chapter reviews the relationship between states and IGOs, as well as the human rights architecture of selected IGOs to show how states use IGOs to shape and conduct human rights and humanitarian diplomacy. The distinction between organs controlled by states and agencies headed and staffed by officials independent of states is made here. When states use and control IGO fora
5 Public diplomacy of the European Union
in East Asia
Suetyi Lai and Li Zhang
When public diplomacy broadly refers to attempts by one government to
influence foreign publics, governments from Europe have been among the
first to practise it, for example with the establishment of the Alliance Française in 1883 and of the British Council in 1934. Yet the public diplomacy
of the EU as a collective institution appeared much later, while studies of
public diplomacy itself focus mostly on the country level. This chapter is
devoted to understanding the
In 1962, Congo was catapulted into the international consciousness as the scene of conflict and confusion when a civil and constitutional crisis erupted just a week after the independence ceremony. The breakdown of law and order began when the Congolese army, the Force Publique, mutinied against their Belgian officers, leading to violence and chaos in the capital Leopoldville. This book reinterprets the role of the United Nations (UN) Organization in this conflict by presenting a multidimensional view of how the UN operated in response to the crisis. The United States (US) and Britain were directly involved with formulating UN Congo policy, through an examination of the Anglo-American relationship. The book analyses how the crisis became positioned as a lightning rod in the interaction of decolonisation with the Cold War, and wider relations between North and South. It establishes why, in 1960, the outbreak of the Congo crisis and its successive internationalisation through UN intervention was an important question for Anglo-American relations. The book highlights the changing nature of the UN from 1960 to 1961. It focuses on the emergence of a new US policy in New York. Discussing the role of United Nations activities in the Congo (Operation des Nations Unies au Congo), it explains why military incursions into Katanga in September, and again in December of 1961, proved damaging to the Anglo-American relationship. The invigoration of the Secretariat, demands of the Afro-Asian bloc, Operation UNOKAT, and efforts to construct a Western friendly regime in the Congo are also discussed.
Establishing and navigating the rules of the
road in Arctic diplomacy
During its 2003–2005 chairmanship of the Arctic Council, Russia –the
‘largest’ Arctic state –suggested that Arctic cooperation should focus
more on the city level. The idea never really garnered any support.
This is understandable, on the one hand, in that the idea suited poorly
the ‘many Arctics’ represented by the other countries, most of which
include settlements and towns, but very few cities compared to the relatively urbanised Russian Arctic (Orttung, 2017). The urban Arctic also